Fordham University            The Jesuit University of New York
 


Back to Dutch Influence

Religion and the Dutch










Religion and the Dutch in the Diverse City
by Joseph Vignone

For the tourists who streamed onto Manhattan Island for the Hudson-Fulton Celebration in 1909, New York appeared to be a city of churches.  Every avenue, boulevard and byway seemed touchedhistory by the inspiring edifices of religious worship. Twelve hundred places of worship populated the city, punctuating the monotony of urban development with their elegance.[1] Synagogues and cathedrals administered to their faithful in the same neighborhood, or even on the same street. Spires stretched into the sky; doors were flung open to the streets, welcoming the droves of congregants to the sanctuary within. In exceptional cases, some establishments bobbed up and down in the shallows of the harbor, lashed securely to a nearby dock but free to float delicately in the waters.[2] It was as if the citizens of New York, believer and skeptic alike, could not escape the company of the divine.

historyOf course, the New York of 1909 was better known for its audacious skyscrapers than for its consecrated architecture. But in the shadows of such towering modernity throbbed a deeply rooted and immensely diverse population.[3] In its three-hundred-year history of almost constant transition, the City had experienced transformation after demographic transformation.[4] Consequently, the larger community that was to host the Hudson-Fulton Celebration was an amalgamation of neighborhoods and districts, ethnic quarters and hallowed ground.  Waves of immigrants spilled into Manhattan andhistory her surrounding territory, impressing selected vicinities with the seal of their ethnic individuality. British, Dutch, French, Irish, Jews, and the Germanic races from across the Teutonic lands mingled with the equally diverse African and Native American groups in the streets of Manhattan.[5]

As the French-born New Yorker J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur wrote in his 1782 novel Letters From An American Farmer, in America  “‘individuals of all nations are melted into a new race of men’”[6].This concentrated sense of pluralism, cast invariably as a blessing or nuisance throughout the history of New York, was the fundamental reality of life in the metropolis.

From the colonial era to the days leading up to the Hudson-Fulton Celebration, New Yorkers had enjoyed a truly multicultural society, even before such lofty terms hhistoryad come into common usage.[7] Naturally, with such ethnographic variety came religious multiplicity.  People did not just bring the traditions and customs of their nationality with them to Manhattan, but their ecclesiastical preferences as well. In this assorted, “multiple establishment”[8] environment, resilient bonds of community were formed, be they welcoming or exclusionary. Some congregants were willing to socialize with other denominations, and thus shuffled beliefs and forged new identities. Others lived side by side peacefully but separately, attempting to preserve their own distinctiveness.[9] Still, despite the varying responses of the “newest” New Yorkers to the intense commingling of culture and creed, the academics writing in 1909 were determined to characterize the City as a bastion of religious liberty and acceptance.[10]



And, for the most part, it was. But historians of such an electric age were willing to push the explanation further than this. They believed that the metropolis’ spiritual variety was not only caused by a fusion of ethnicities, but by historical contingency as well. Most interestingly, authors during the era of Hudson-Fulton often cited the construction of a simple chapel in the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam in 1642 as the beginning of New York’s liberal churchgoing tradition.[11] According to their rationale, the church was meant to “keep watch over the spiritual welfare of New York”[12], affording unity and piety for the arduous lives of the early settlers, no matter what beliefs they held. For historians at the time of Hudson-Fulton, this was the foundation upon which the forbearing religious character of the entire colony was established.

Other assemblies in the early colonial period were quick to follow their Dutch predecessors’ dutiful example. Quakers, fleeing religious persecution abroad, arrived shortly after the Dutch and built their first New York meetinghouse in Flushing, Queens around 1670.[13] The famously charitable Trinity Church was the firsthistory place of worship to be built by New York’s Episcopalian population, a denomination who also designed St. Paul’s Church, the oldest religious edifice in New York.[14] Baptists also appeared in New Amsterdam as early 1657, but neglected to erect their own religious establishment until roughly a century after their arrival.[15]  Believers in the relatively new Lutheran faith first disembarked in the early eighteenth century, and built a fair amount of churches throughout the city.[16] Presbyterians landed around the same time, and quickly constructed their famous Brick Church. A contingent of French Huguenots arrived shortly thereafter, and sponsored the creation of L’Église du St. Esprit, a famous landmark in 1909.[17] St. Patrick’s Cathedral, one of New York’s most notable featsof religious architecture, was a result of the belated but nonetheless robust Catholic presence on the island.[18]  Methodism was also a latecomer to the City, and their well-known John Street Church, first erected 1818, was still in use at the time of the Hudson-Fulton Celebration.[19]

New denominations were also formed on ManhattanIsland, among them the Collegiate Dutch Reformed Church, whose colonial Middle Dutch Church greeted chistoryongregants in 1909 with undiminished enthusiasm.[20] Adherents of Judaism, by no means a recent religious innovation on the shores of the Hudson, maintained their ancient rites and traditions in the quickly modernizing City. Jews, though present in New Amsterdam in its earliest years, neglected to construct their most impressive places of worship until the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Shearith Israel and Temple Beth-El, two monumental synagogues built in close proximity to Central Park, were magnificent sights for New Yorkers to behold in the early 1900s.[21] Other religious sects, though relative newcomers to the City, nevertheless enjoyed freedom and prosperity at the turn of the century. Muslim, Orthodox Russian and Greek congregations, although looked upon with guarded suspicion by the more mainstream religious devotees, were undeniably active in New York City in 1909.history[22]

For visitors and New York natives, the sheer amount of churches and religious sects in the City did not point to a kind of wild, spiritual fanaticism. Quite to the contrary, contemporaries of Hudson-Fulton viewed the wealth of religious buildings and their weekly occupants as tangible evidence of New York’s unimpeded diversity and cosmopolitan reputation. Considering this vast collection of creed and practice, it goes without saying that some of the first architectural monoliths to greet visitors entering New York through the harbor were of purely religious function.  These edifices portended to the intense variety one might encounter on a simple stroll through the city streets, or even in conversation with a local.[23] This was the New York of the Hudson-Fulton Celebration, an open-minded city of a varied, tolerant population.  But how did this reality fit into the context of the historical didacticism of 1909? The leaders of the Celebration were wont to conclude that the Dutch and the Dutch alone were the first proponents of religious acceptance. Leaders of the Celebration asserted that these precursors bestowed upon the City the tradition of liberality that permitted such an intensely pluralistic society to exist in the first place.[24] In their estimation, the City’s sense of religious toleration had developed, as with all things good and beneficial, under the auspices of New York’s earliest congregants.

The revisionism that defined the Hudson-Fulton Celebration’s historybrand of history affirmed thatthe City’s tradition of religious diversity, or, frankly, apathy, stretched back to its earliest days as a commercial colony of the Netherlands.[25] In all fairness to these compulsive historians, they were somewhat correct in their assumption. Though it may seem trite to describe it as such, New Amsterdam was a stronghold of religious toleration.[26] Since this tired expression seems to suggest some sort of exaggerated benevolence on the part of New York’s earliest settlers, it cannot go unqualified. The instinct to tolerate the presence of many races and creeds in their colony did not stem from an eagerness to attain diversity. Nor did the Dutch cherish diversity once it arrived. This was not tolerance; there was no endorsement of the inherent value of multiplicity.[27] The incentive to tolerate was far less noble than what the literature of the Hudson-Fulton period insinuated. By virtue of their industrious, seafaring tradition, the historyDutch were forced to yield to what was really a matter of necessity. 

Reason dictated that if they aspired to be successful in the sphere of international trade, the Dutch in New Amsterdam would have to allow their settlers to exchange much more than commercial goods. After all, the Dutch as a people were among the world’s premiertraders and sailors, whose focus was always out there: on other lands, other peoples and their products… Just as foreign goods moved in and out of their ports, foreign ideas, and for that matter foreign people, did as well. To talk about “celebrating diversity” is to be wildly anachronistic.[28] The European nation of Holland had built itself upon the twin pillars of trade and commerce more so than any other standard or principle. The varied philosophies and lifestyles that crept into their ports could not be fully divested from the commodities that fueled Dutch trading hegemony.  They would either have to accept the inevitability of exposure to unusual peoples, or else relinquish their cherished supremacy. External influence was unavoidable, intimate contact almost impossible to circumvent. A sensibly permissive social culture was bound to form around this clientele of intensely varied political, national and ethnic groups. Without capitulating to the diversity of their customers, the Dutch would not be able to conduct effective business. Sentiments of liberty and equality accompanied their submission to reality.[29] Similar pragmatism necessarily carried over into New Amsterdam.[30]

But perhaps we should not be so disparaging of the Dutch’s ulterior motives. If their realistic impulses fail to cast them as the freethinking exemplars of history, another element of Dutch society might exonerate their character. Ithistory bears mentioning that almost every other nation involved with trade on an international level in the seventeenth century was unwilling to allow foreign ideas to intermingle with their citizens. [31] Only the Netherlands in this time period viewed social homogeneity as less precious than commercial prestige, and accordingly consented to cultural intersection. Three hundred years later, England, prominent in its distaste for eccentricity, was an apt counterexample for the purposes of the Hudson-Fulton Celebration. Not only were the English notorious forendorsing a self-aggrandizing system of cultural superiority, they were the stalwart champions of monarchy as wellhistory. The Netherlands, on the other hand, had not just permitted toleration, but had also struggled for years to form the most bizarre system of government in seventeenth century Europe: a republic. [32] It was not the “the idealistic, self-righteously stubborn” [33] Enlightenment variety of democracy, but that did not matter. Holland was the hero of republicanism; even John Adams [34] had observed that the traditions of America and the Dutch were so intertwined that “‘the History of one seems but a Transcript [of] the other’”.[35] England lost its status as the source of American ideals simply because Dutch parallels with America, however contrived, were the only ones fed to the captivated audience of 1909. The atmosphere of the Celebration made it apparent that New Amsterdam, the antecedent to its very own host-city, had much more in common with Holland than mere nomenclature.

Still, the Celebration’s view of New Amsterdam’s “liberal disposition”[36], its uniquely democratic and tolerant sensibility, was not without its historical contradictions. In reality, the inclination to tolerate other religions was historyoften limited to Reformed Protestants, and any other acquiescence largely depended upon who was in control of New Amsterdam at the time.[37] Though the Dutch were not terribly broad-minded and exceptional, their image at the turn of the century certainly was.  To the collaborators of the Hudson-Fulton Celebration, it was of no concern as to why or if the Dutch really practiced such an odd form of acceptance. Those categories of questions were not pertinent. What carried real weight was the reinterpretation, the novel presentation of a people who did ensure the “‘free exercise of religion’”[38] enjoyed by New Yorkers in 1909.

Therefore it is important to keep in mind that the Hudson-Fulton Celebration was firhistoryst and foremost a public festivity whose message had to be simple, self-contained and especially appealing. In this pretext, Manhattan and her territories could readily associate their present status as a center of multiculturalism and success with these archetypes of progressivism. New York was to be seen not only as a city carved out from the wilderness of a foreign land, but a community that emerged from the sheer diversity of its people. The City’s global significance was to be regarded not merely a result of chance, but a product of her Dutch character and a function of the identity she fashioned out of her utter multiplicity. The actual details of history were inconsequential. Achieving these grander objectives was all that truly mattered.[39]

Endnotes

[1] Zeisloft, E. Idell. “Three Centuries of Churches”. In The New Metropolis: Memorable Events of the Three Centuries, D. Appleton and Co, 1899, p. 149

[2] Ibid. p. 164

[3] Ibid. p. 149

[4] Ibid. p. 144

[5] Landsman, Ned C.. “Roots, Routes, And Rootedness: Diversity, Migration, and Toleration in Mid-Atlantic Pluralism.” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Vol. 2., (2004), p.  268

[6] Ibid. p. 267

[7] Ibid. p. 268

[8] Blau, Joseph L.. “Religion and Politics in Knickerbocker Time”,The Knickerbocker Tradition: Washington Irving’s New York. Ed. Andrew B. Myers.  Vol 1 (1974), p. 52.

[9] Landsman, Ned C.. “Roots, Routes, And Rootedness: Diversity, Migration, and Toleration in Mid-Atlantic Pluralism.” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Vol. 2., (2004), p.  268

[10] Cobb, Sanford Hoadley. The Rise of Religious Liberty in America: A History, Macmillan, 1902, p. 301-2

[11] Zeisloft, E. Idell. “Three Centuries of Churches”. In The New Metropolis: Memorable Events of the Three Centuries, D. Appleton and Co, 1899, p. 144

[12] Ibid. p. 144

[13] Ibid. p. 144

[14] Ibid. p. 146

[15]  Ibid. p. 146-7

[16] Ibid. p. 147

[17] Ibid. p. 147

[18] Ibid. p. 147

[19] Ibid. p. 147

[20] Ibid. p. 144,6

[21]  Ibid. p. 154

[22] Ibid. p. 148

[23] Ibid. p. 149

[24] Cobb, Sanford Hoadley. The Rise of Religious Liberty in America: A History, Macmillan, 1902, p. 302

[25]  Ibid. p. 303

[26] Shorto, Russell.  The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan, The Forgotten Colony that Shaped America, Doubleday, 2004, p. 26

[27] Landsman, Ned C.. “Roots, Routes, And Rootedness: Diversity, Migration, and Toleration in Mid-Atlantic Pluralism.” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Vol. 2., (2004), p.  273

[28] Shorto, Russell.  The Island at the Center of theWorld: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan, The Forgotten Colony that Shaped America, Doubleday, 2004, p. 26

[29] Ibid. p. 26-30

[30] Landsman, Ned C.. “Roots, Routes, And Rootedness: Diversity, Migration, and Toleration in Mid-Atlantic Pluralism.” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Vol. 2., (2004), p.  272

[31] Shorto, Russell.  The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan, The Forgotten Colony that Shaped America, Doubleday, 2004, p. 26

[32]  Ibid. p. 27

[33] Ibid. p. 27

[34] John Adams’ flattery here is all but transparent. As the first American Minister to the Netherlands, Adams traveled to Holland in 1781 where he secured a vital loan and later Dutch recognition of America’s Independence. For more information about Adams’ impressions of Holland and its history, see volume twelve of R.J. Taylor’s The Adams Papers.

[35] Shorto, Russell.  The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan, The Forgotten Colony that Shaped America, Doubleday, 2004, p. 28

[36] Cobb, Sanford Hoadley. The Rise of Religious Liberty in America: A History, Macmillan, 1902, p. 307

[37] Landsman, Ned C.. “Roots, Routes, And Rootedness: Diversity, Migration, and Toleration in Mid-Atlantic Pluralism.” Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal. Vol. 2., (2004), p.  272

[38] Cobb, Sanford Hoadley. The Rise of Religious Liberty in America: A History, Macmillan, 1902, p. 307

[39] Shorto, Russell.  The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan, The Forgotten Colony that Shaped America, Doubleday, 2004, p. 5-10


Site  | Directories
Submit Search Request