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RESTORATION
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South Street: The Neighborhood
by Lauren Evangelista
The
fact that South Street is heralded primarily as a tourist spot
overshadows an important element of this region— its locality.
What visitors often neglect is the residential quality of the area,
dwarfed only by the mall complex at Pier 17 and the other major
retailers that greet passersby at the Fulton and Pearl Street
intersection. The neighborhood novelties were somewhat sacrificed
once decline and redevelopment hit the area, primarily because of
financial difficulties and competition with the neighboring
Financial District. Urban historians and writers alike have made
criticisms about the effects of the South Street redevelopment on
the neighborhood; yet, local businesses thrive and residents
perpetuate an unprecedented local aura for the South Street
neighborhood, re-establishing its sense of place.
Criticisms Creep In
At
the onset of the development from 1967-1972, the so-called
authenticity of the South Street neighborhood remained intact, even
in its unattractiveness. As plans for development were enacted,
original opinions of the area were positive and in full accordance
with the path of development. In 1972, just as plans were finally
agreed upon and underway, journalist Gene Gleason remarked that “one
can discover a surprisingly strong echo of South Street as it was
100 years ago” even in the midst of the towering skyscrapers of
the Financial District.i
However, such high opinions quickly diminished and more negative
views about the nature of the South Street redevelopment surfaced.
Since
the establishments of festival marketplaces akin to South Street—
namely Baltimore’s Inner Harbor and Boston’s Faneuil Hall—
studies about waterfront development condemned both the final
product and its effects on both residents and tourists. Much of the
exterior redesign of the buildings depended on recapturing a rustic,
historic look; according to waterfront enthusiast M. Christine
Boyer, this transforms the aesthetic of the neighborhood into a
“reiteration and recycling of already-known symbolic codes and
historic forms to the point of cliché.”ii
Studies on the tourist and urban design discuss how such appearances
affect visual perception of an area, and the refurbishment of the
South Street buildings constructs “a particular reframing of urban
reality.”iii
In this reframing of reality, even those neighborhood businesses
find themselves changing for the supposed greater good of the South
Street redevelopment, for “[E]very street vendor, outdoor
decoration, advertisement, sign, and retail space must conform to
the Seaport’s overall theme.”iv
The infection of the transformation into the established local life
appeared to compromise an important element that developers and
historians have grown increasingly concerned about as of late- the
authenticity of the neighborhood. Part of the novelty of tourism has
been the “immersion in the daily, ordinary, authentic life
of a culture or place that is not their own.”v
Was it not the intention to recapture a novel experience and boast
of a unique part of New York culture at South Street?
The
direction of criticisms generally pointed toward a single idea: in
spite of the advantages of larger, mixed walking traffic, South
Street has become instead “a dreamscape far removed from the city
that surrounds” residents and tourists alike.vi
Pier 17’s presence has become one of the main associations with
South Street, detracting from the local and cultural novelties South
Street has to offer. Waterfront enthusiasts have criticized the
presence of the mall for destroying the local integrity of South
Street, prompting the belief that “the seaport is a neighborhood
fighting to stay a neighborhood.”vii
Of course, it is the resident community that believes otherwise, and
they had and still do persevere amidst the rebranded South Street
environment.
Establishments Long
Past
In
spite of the supposed decline of South Street’s prominence,
certain local staples maintained their businesses and reputations.
These local establishments were cherished as testaments to South
Street’s history because they all related directly to its maritime
past. The most notable institutions were Sweet’s and Sloppy
Louie’s; other neighborhood favorites were The Sketch Pad, Jack’s
Retail Fish Store, the Square Rigger, and the still surviving
Carmine’s Bar and Grill.viii
These novelty restaurants, however, only outlasted inevitable change
for so long; Sloppy Louie’s and novelty gift shop Captain Hook’s,
the two establishments most commonly associated with South Street,
closed down by 1998.ix
Indeed, these establishments “have kept alive neighborhoods that
otherwise had been abandoned, attracting people who otherwise
probably would not be there.”x
The loss of these restaurants has caused distress among local
residents, aside from those who have been critiquing the area’s
redevelopment.
In
addition, other businesses that had once thrived for the sake of
maritime commerce— printing, packaging, and warehousing— had
only lasted through to the 1980’s; once containerization
officially moved shipping away from South Street and New York ports,
the presence of these industries became superfluous.xi
The loss of these industries further diminished the rustic quality
of the South Street neighborhood.
The
last most notable loss in the old South Street neighborhood was the
artistic (link to Naima Rauam essay) community that moved into the
cheap and empty spaces of the quiet, creepy 1970’s South Street
neighborhood. They created, aside from the Fulton Fish Market
workers and regulars, a creative community for the area. As the
redevelopment of South Street went underway, increase of property
value and the diminishing of the Fulton Fish Market pushed the
established community into a new direction— away from South
Street.xii
What, then, can be said of the neighborhood if novelty maritime
restaurants, businesses adjoined with maritime commerce, and a
social commune are no longer present?
Efforts
outside of the main development plan of 1967 and 1972-73 have been
made to preserve this maritime and neighborhood identity of which
South Street prides itself, mainly to curb these recent losses. Yet,
what seems to be overlooked is that times change, and there could be
room for a new type of preservation that restores South Street’s
local identity. The locality was not destroyed; the neighborhood
thrives and, just as South Street had, it revamped itself.
A New Direction for a
New Neighborhood
What the South
Street neighborhood is today can definitely be greatly contrasted
with what it was historically. There are only so many traditionally
maritime vendors, and only so many “original” seafood
restaurants available. These changes have been perceived negatively,
as mentioned earlier, because people believe South Street’s
historical identity is lost. Yet, could South Street have been
preserved in the exact manner it was years ago? The change in the
neighborhood flavor is merely, then, a reflection of the modern era—
a new type of locality that fights for a homey feel amidst the
hustle and bustle of the Financial District. To those who live in
the area, the cultural importance is apparent and appreciated;
though this identity is not made explicit, the locale of South
Street feels strongly about the rustic environment it perpetuates
outside the commercial traffic.
While
obviously the longstanding local institutions have erased with them
the historic maritime past, those institutions that do thrive in the
area take pride in their lesser known identities, believing that
their existence has become the new locality. Front Street north of
the Fulton Market building is, in fact, a goldmine of local
businesses that one can equate to a Main Street business district in
any small town or neighborhood. As described by Megan Cariola,
manager of the Stonehouse California Olive Oil store, this
particular section of the district preserves a neighborhood comfort
to the area, even as it attracts business and tourist clientele.
Part of the appeal for Cariola’s store’s location is its place
in a niche of the overall South Street area. According to Cariola,
the novelty of this row of local businesses may be found in its
separateness from quintessential business areas throughout
Manhattan. Cariola enjoys the fact that this area is not like Park
Avenue or the slue of Trump Buildings; South Street’s local
neighborhood adds variety to the New York identity.xiii
Aside
from the breath of air the local businesses provide amidst the “New
York” environment, the sense of community has a strong,
influential effect amongst the residents. Tami Kurtz, an associate
head for the Seamen’s Church Institute, has noted “a true
neighborhood feel for this area,” a neighborhood consisting of a
10 block radius. This “true neighborhood” was made evident in
special neighborhood events, one of which was planned by Kurtz
herself. South Street held a special trick-or-treating Halloween
event for the neighborhood children, the number of which is
surprisingly staggering. In comparison to her living experiences in
the Upper East and West Side, Kurtz enjoys the sense of community
that exists in South Street; just as typical “small towns” go,
she had described that people could walk the streets and share
friendly waves and exchanges with neighbors.xiv
There is nothing for the residents to fight for; they certainly have
established their neighborhood.
Perhaps
the most poignant feature of the neighborhood is the record of its
residents. Indeed, there are residents in the South Street
neighborhood who have been living there for 25 years and counting.xv
In those past 25 years, the changes that have created the current
identity of South Street had occurred. These people could have left
if these criticisms of the neighborhood’s integrity were as strong
and effecting as critics believed; yet, their continued presence in
South Street reflects their high opinion of the neighborhood. It is
these residents who preserve the neighborhood. It is these residents
who hold onto South Street’s cultural identity. The perseverance
of these particular residents shows that South Street’s
neighborhood remained intact in spite of the ongoing changes.
But Wait… Where is
the Maritime Past?
One
of the main struggles in the overall redevelopment plan is the
maintenance of the maritime past of the South Street neighborhood
and the connection to the waterfront. Indeed, that was Peter
Stanford’s original intent in conceiving the project to save South
Street in 1967— recreate the 19th century in the modern
world.xvi
In essence, it would have transformed the neighborhood into more of
a museum village, or an area that serves a purpose of conveying pure
history, akin to Williamsburg and Plymouth Plantation. The hopes of
recreating the 19th century atmosphere, which was the
period when South Street thrived in its maritime prime, would have
been enhanced by re-creating the industries that once existed in
those times, like rope-making.xvii
The idea was simple, the execution, complex: South Street cannot
achieve such goals because it does not have the luxury of absolutely
open space, like Plymouth Plantation, and these ideas were and are
“environmentally and legislatively not doable.”xviii
Infrastructure revisal would have had to occur on already
well-established architecture, which would have probably been twice
as costly as the restoration plan in itself. As Jack Putnam, a South
Street Seaport Museum historian described, this dream of Peter
Stanford’s was “unsafe, dirty, dangerous, dull, and difficult.”
Putnam believes that the nature of development since the realization
that this idea for recapturing the 19th century was
unrealistic was a happy compromise that allows passersby,
residential or otherwise, to get “a taste of what the district was
like years ago without the inconvenience.”
Jack
Putnam has suggested that the constant of change needed to be
accepted by the redevelopment planners in order to execute the
restoration successfully. With the trendier local retailers and the
tourist traps of the Pier 17 complex, the question of the presence
of a maritime connection looms. Must there be a blatant and overly
explicit maritime connection to convey that South Street was
integral to New York’s past as a waterfront city? Is maritime
connection merely an abstract concept to the residents of the area?
Is the neighborhood responsible for the upkeep of the maritime
activities and identity of South Street? Considering Jack Putnam and
Tami Kurtz’s views, a neighborhood for South Street could and
should be much more than a museum village. It is clear that the
longstanding residents chose to live and stay at South Street
because they connect to the water; this is an elementary but
somewhat obvious speculation. It is clear that Tami Kurtz, who lives
and works in the neighborhood, understands the maritime history and
desires to have this maritime identity more pronounced. Yes, the
neighborhood has evolved into a standard, but special, neighborhood,
and yes, an overt connection to the maritime history has been lost,
but the awareness is there, and the Museum and residents perpetuate
that idea in their own right.
Conclusions
What
historians have generally associated with South Street is a nautical
identity, relating directly to its past. Though that particular
identity is arguably lost due to the developments for the
restoration, a unique identity still thrives that marks South
Street’s distinction from any urban or suburban familiarities. Just
as the South Street area as a whole rebranded and revamped itself,
so, too, did its neighborhood. The atmosphere evolved into something
that integrates local comfort and the bustle of commerce, peaceably
flowing with the rest of the cityscape.
Endnotes:
i
Gleason, Gene. “South Street Ain’t What She Used to Be … Yet:
The Restoration of South Street.” New York Times (1857-Current
File). [New York, NY] 16 Jul 1972. ProQuest Historical
Newspapers The New York Times (1851-2004). ProQuest. Fordham
University Libraries, New York, NY. 9 Oct. 2007
ii
Boyer, M. Christine. "Cities
for Sale: Merchandising History at South Street Seaport."
Variations on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of
Public Space. Ed. Michael Sorkin. (United States: The Noonday
Press, 1992.) 188
v
Judd, Dennis R., and Susan S.
Fainstein. The Tourist City. (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1999.) 7.
vii
Wilson, Michael. “Waterfront Revival.” The New York Times.
28 Jul 2006: ProQuest. Fordham University Libraries. 15 Sept 2007
viii
GENE GLEASON. "South Street Ain't What She Used to Be . .
. Yet :The Restoration of South Street. " New
York Times (1857-Current File) [New York, N.Y.] 16
Jul 1972. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times
(1851 - 2004). ProQuest. Fordham University Libraries, New
York, NY. 9 Oct. 2007 http://www.proquest.com/
ix
Stamler, Bernard. "Rough Sailing for South Street Seaport."
The New York Times 29 Mar 1998: Gale. Fordham
University Libraries. 15 Sept 2007
<http://find.galegroup.com/itx/printdoc.do?contentSet=IAC-Documents&docType=IAC&is>.
x
DePALMA, ANTHONY. "Where Restaurants Lead, Crowds May
Follow. " New York Times [New York,
N.Y.] 1 Mar. 1989, Late Edition (East
Coast): C.1. National Newspapers (27). ProQuest.
Fordham University Libraries, New York, NY. 16 Oct.
2007 <http://www.proquest.com/>
xi
Putnam, Jack. Personal interview. 10 Nov 2007.
xiii
Cariola, Megan Joan. Personal interview. 30 Oct. 2007.
xiv
Kurtz, Tami. Personal interview. 30 Oct. 2007.
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