At this time Valens was disturbed by a twofold anxiety, having learned that the people
of Lintz had been defeated, and also because Sebastian, in the letters which he sent from
time to time, exaggerated what had taken place by his pompous language. Therefore he
advanced from Melanthias, being eager by some glorious exploit to equal his youthful
nephew, by whose virtue he was greatly excited. He was at the head of a numerous force,
neither unwarlike nor contemptible, and had united with them many veteran bands, among
whom were several officers of high rank, especially Trajan, who a little while before had
been commander of the forces. And as by means of spies and observation it was ascertained
that the enemy were intending to blockade the different roads by which the necessary
supplies must come, with strong divisions, he sent a sufficient force to prevent this,
despatching a body of the archers of the infantry and a squadron of cavalry, with all
speed, to occupy the narrow passes in the neighborhood.
Three days afterwards, when the barbarians [the Visigoths], who were advancing slowly,
because they feared an attack in the unfavorable ground which they were traversing,
arrived within fifteen miles from the station of Nike, which was the aim of their march,
the emperor, with wanton impetuosity, resolved on attacking them instantly, because those
who had been sent forward to reconnoiter---what led to such a mistake is
unknown---affirmed that their entire body did not exceed ten thousand men. Marching on
with his army in battle array, Valens came near the suburb of Hadrianopolis, where he
pitched his camp, strengthening it with a rampart of palisades, and then impatiently
waited for [the emperor] Gratian. While here, Ricimer, Comes of the Domestici,
arrived, who had been sent on by that emperor with letters announcing his immediate
approach. And imploring Valens to wait a little while for him that he might share his
danger, and not rashly face the danger before him single-handed, he took counsel with his
officers as to what was best to be done.
Some, following the advice of Sebastian, recommended with urgency that he should at
once go forth to battle; while Victor, master-general of the cavalry, a Sarmatian by
birth, but a man of slow and cautious temper, recommended him to wait for his imperial
colleague, and this advice was supported by several other officers, who suggested that the
reinforcement of the Gallic army would be likely to awe the fiery arrogance of the
barbarians. However, the fatal obstinacy of the emperor prevailed, fortified by the
flattery of some of the princes, who advised him to hasten with all speed, so that Gratian
might have no share in a victory which, as they fancied, was already almost gained.
And, while all necessary preparations were being made for the battle, a presbyter of
the Christian religion (as he called himself), having been sent by Fritigern [King of the
Visigoths] as his ambassador, came, with some colleagues of low rank, to the emperor's
camp; and having been received with courtesy, he presented a letter from that chieftain,
openly requesting that the emperor would grant to him and to his followers, who were now
exiles from their native homes, from which they had been driven by the rapid invasions of
savage nations, Thrace, with all its flocks and all its crops, for a habitation. And if
Valens would consent to this, Fritigern would agree to a perpetual truce. In addition to
this same message, the same Christian, as one acquainted with his commander's secrets, and
well-trusted, produced other secret letters from his chieftain who, being full of craft
and every resource of deceit, informed Valens, as one who was hereafter to be his friend
and ally, that he had no other means to appease the ferocity of his countrymen, or to
induce them to accept conditions advantageous to the Roman state, unless from time to time
he showed them an army under arms close at hand, and by frightening them with the name of
the emperor, recalled them from their mischievous eagerness for fighting. The ambassadors
retired unsuccessful, having been looked on as suspicious characters by the emperor.
When the day broke which the annals mark as the fifth of the Ides of August, the Roman
standards were advanced with haste, the baggage having been placed close to the walls of
Hadrianopolis, under a sufficient guard of soldiers of the legions; the treasures and the
chief insignia of the emperor's ranks were within the walls, with the prefect and the
principal members of the council. Then, having traversed the broken ground which divided
the two armies, as the burning day was progressing towards noon, at last, after marching
eight miles, our men came in sight of the wagons of the enemy, which had been stated by
the scouts to be all arranged in a circle. According to their custom, the barbarian host
raised a fierce and hideous yell, while the Roman generals marshaled their line of battle.
The right wing of the cavalry was placed in front; the chief portion of the infantry was
kept in reserve. But the left wing of the cavalry, of which a considerable number were
still straggling on the road, were advancing with speed, though with great difficulty; and
while this wing was deploying, not as yet meeting with any obstacle, the barbarians being
alarmed at the terrible clang of their arms and the threatening crash of their shields
(since a large portion of their own army was still at a distance, under Alatheus and
Saphrax, and, though sent for, had not yet arrived), again sent ambassadors to ask for
peace.
The emperor was offended at the lowness of their rank, and replied, that if they wished
to make a lasting treaty, they must send him nobles of sufficient dignity. They designedly
delayed, in order by the fallacious truce which subsisted during the negotiation to give
time for their cavalry to return, whom they looked upon as close at hand; and for our
soldiers, already suffering from the summer heat, to become parched and exhausted by the
conflagration of the vast plain; as the enemy had, with this object, set fire to the crops
by means of burning faggots and fuel. To this evil another was added, that both men and
cattle were suffering from extreme hunger.
In the meantime Fritigern, being skillful in divining the future, and fearing a
doubtful struggle, of his own head sent one of his men as a herald, requesting that some
nobles and picked men should at once be sent to him as hostages for his safety, when he
himself would fearlessly bring us both military aid and supplies. The proposition of this
formidable chief was received with praise and approbation, and the tribune Equitius, a
relation of Valens, who was at that time high steward of the palace, was appointed, with
general consent, to go with all speed to the barbarians as a hostage. But he refused,
because he had once been taken prisoner by the enemy, and had escaped from Dibaltum, so
that he feared their vengeful anger; upon this Ricimer voluntarily offered himself, and
willingly undertook to go, thinking it a bold action, and one becoming a brave man; and so
he set out, bearing vouchers of his rank and high birth.
And as he was on his way towards the enemy's camp, the accompanying archers and
Scutarii, who on that occasion were under the command of Bacurius, a native of Iberia, and
of Cassio, yielded, while on their march, to an indiscreet impetuosity, and on approaching
the enemy, first attacked them rashly, and then by a cowardly flight disgraced the
beginning of the campaign. This ill-timed attack frustrated the willing services of
Ricimer, as he was not permitted to proceed; in the meantime the cavalry of the Goths had
returned with Alatheus and Saphrax, and with them a battalion of Alans; these descending
from the mountains like a thunderbolt, spread confusion and slaughter among all whom in
their rapid charge they came across.
And while arms and missiles of all kinds were meeting in fierce conflict, and Bellona,
blowing her mournful trumpet, was raging more fiercely than usual, to inflict disaster on
the Romans, our men began to retreat; but presently, roused by the reproaches of their
officers, they made a fresh stand, and the battle increased like a conflagration,
terrifying our soldiers, numbers of whom were pierced by strokes from the javelins hurled
at them, and from arrows. Then the two lines of battle dashed against each other, like the
beaks of ships, and thrusting with all their might, were tossed to and fro, like the waves
of the sea. Our left wing had advanced actually up to the wagons, with the intent to push
on still further if they were properly supported; but they were deserted by the rest of
the cavalry, and so pressed upon by the superior numbers of the enemy, that they were
overwhelmed and beaten down, like the ruin of a vast rampart. Presently our infantry also
was left unsupported, while the different companies became so huddled together that a
soldier could hardly draw his sword, or withdraw his hand after he had once stretched it
out. And by this time such clouds of dust arose that it was scarcely possible to see the
sky, which resounded with horrible cries; and in consequence, the darts, which were
bearing death on every side, reached their mark, and fell with deadly effect, because no
one could see them beforehand so as to guard against them.
But when the barbarians, rushing on with their enormous host, beat down our horses and
men, and left no spot to which our ranks could fall back to deploy, while they were so
closely packed that it was impossible to escape by forcing a way through them, our men at
last began to despise death, and again took to their swords and slew all they encountered,
while with mutual blows of battle-axes, helmets and breastplates were dashed in pieces.
Then you might see the barbarian towering in his fierceness, hissing or shouting, fall
with his legs pierced through, or his right hand cut off, sword and all, or his side
transfixed, and still, in the last gasp of life, casting round him defiant glances. The
plain was covered with carcasses, strewing the mutual ruin of the combatants; while the
groans of the dying, or of men fearfully wounded, were intense, and caused great dismay
all around.
Amidst all this great tumult and confusion our infantry were exhausted by toil and
danger, until at last they had neither strength left to fight, nor spirits to plan
anything; their spears were broken by the frequent collisions, so that they were forced to
content themselves with their drawn swords, which they thrust into the dense battalions of
the enemy, disregarding their own safety, and seeing that every possibility of escape was
cut off from them. The ground, covered with streams of blood, made their feet slip, so
that all they endeavored to do was to sell their lives as dearly as possible; and with
such vehemence did they resist their enemies who pressed on them, that some were even
killed by their own weapons. At last one black pool of blood disfigured everything, and
wherever the eye turned, it could see nothing but piled up heaps of dead, and lifeless
corpses trampled on without mercy.
The sun being now high in the heavens, having traversed the sign of Leo, and reached
the abode of the heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who were emaciated by hunger, worn
out with toil, and scarcely able to support even the weight of their armor. At last our
columns were entirely beaten back by the overpowering weight of the barbarians, and so
they took to disorderly flight, which is the only resource in extremity, each man trying
to save himself as well as he could. While they were all flying and scattering themselves
over roads with which they were unacquainted, the emperor, bewildered with terrible fear,
made his way over heaps of dead, and fled to the battalions of the Lanccarii and the
Mattiarii, who, until the superior numbers of the enemy became wholly irresistible, stood
firm and immovable. As soon as he saw him, Trajan exclaimed that all hope was lost, unless
the emperor, thus deserted by his guards, could be protected by the aid of his foreign
allies.
When this exclamation was heard, a comes names Victor hastened to bring up with
all speed the Batavians, who were placed in the reserve, and who ought to have been near
at hand, to the emperor's assistance; but as none of them could be found, he too
retreated, and in a similar manner Ricimer and Saturninus saved themselves from danger. So
now, with rage flashing in their eyes, the barbarians pursued our men, who were in a state
of torpor, the warmth of their veins having deserted them. Many were slain without knowing
who smote them; some were overwhelmed by the mere weight of the crowd which pressed upon
them; and some were slain by wounds inflicted by their own comrades. The barbarians spared
neither those who yielded nor those who resisted. Besides these, many half-slain lay
blocking up the roads, unable to endure the torture of their wounds; and heaps of dead
horses were piled up and filled the plain with their carcasses. At last a dark moonless
night put an end to the irremediable disaster which cost the Roman state so dear.
Just when it first became dark, the emperor being among a crowd of common soldiers, as
it was believed---for no one said either that he had seen him, or been near him---was
mortally wounded with an arrow, and, very shortly after, died, though his body was never
found. For as some of the enemy loitered for a long time about the field in order to
plunder the dead, none of the defeated army or of the inhabitants ventured to go to them.
A similar fate befell the Caesar Decius, when fighting vigorously against the barbarians;
for he was thrown by his horse falling, which he had been unable to hold, and was plunged
into a swamp, out of which he could never emerge, nor could his body be found. Others
report that Valens did not die immediately, but that he was borne by a small body of
picked soldiers and eunuchs to a cabin in the neighborhood, which was strongly built, with
two stories; and that while these unskillful hands were tending his wounds, the cottage
was surrounded by the enemy, though they did not know who was in it; still, however, he
was saved from the disgrace of being made a prisoner.
For when his pursuers, while vainly attempting to force the barred doors, were assailed
with arrows from the roof, they, not to lose by so inconvenient a delay the opportunity of
collecting plunder, gathered some faggots and stubble, and setting fire to them, burnt
down the building, with those who were in it. But one of the prisoners dropped from the
windows, and, being taken prisoner by the barbarians, revealed to them what had taken
place, which caused them great concern, because they looked upon themselves as defrauded
of great glory in not having taken the ruler of the Roman state alive. This same young man
afterwards secretly returned to our people, and gave this account of the affair. When
Spain had been recovered after a similar disaster, we are told that one of the Scipios was
lost in a fire, the tower in which he had taken refuge having been burnt. At all events it
is certain that neither Scipio nor Valens enjoyed that last honor of the dead---a regular
funeral.
Many illustrious men fell in this disastrous defeat, and among them one of the most
remarkable was Trajan, and another was Sebastian; there perished also thirty-five tribunes
who had no particular command, many captains of battalions, and Valerianus and Equitius,
one of whom was Master of the Horse and the other High Steward. Potentius, too, tribune of
the promoted officers, fell in the flower of his age, a man respected by all persons of
virtue, and recommended by the merits of his father, Ursicinus, who had formerly been
commander of the forces, as well as by his own. Scarcely one-third of the whole army
escaped. Nor, except the battle of Cannae, is so destructive a slaughter recorded in our
annals; though, even in the times of their prosperity, the Romans have more than once had
to deplore the uncertainty of war, and have for a time succumbed to evil Fortune; while
the well-known dirges of the Greeks have bewailed many disastrous battles.
Such was the death of Valens, when he was about fifty years old, and had reigned rather
less than fourteen years. We will now describe his virtues, which were known to many, and
his vices. He was a faithful and steady friend---a severe chastiser of ambition---a rigid
upholder of both military and civil discipline---always careful that no one should assume
importance on account of any relationship to himself; slow both in conferring office, and
in taking it away; a very just ruler of the provinces, all of which he was protected from
injury, as if each had been his own house; devoting singular care to the lessening the
burdens of the state, but a vehement and implacable foe to all thieves, and to everyone
convicted of peculations; nor in affairs of this kind was the East, by its own confession,
ever better treated under any other emperor. Besides all this, he was liberal with due
regard to moderation, of which quality there are many example, one of which it will be
sufficient to mention here: As in palaces there are always some persons covetous of the
possessions of others, if anyone petitioned for lapsed property, or anything else which it
was usual to apply for, he made a proper distinction between just and unjust claims, and
when he gave it to the petitioner, while reserving full liberty to anyone to raise
objections, he often associated the successful candidate with three or four partners, in
order that those covetous suitors might conduct themselves with more moderation, when they
saw the profits for which they were so eager diminished by this device.
Of the edifices, which in the different cities and towns he either repaired or built
from their foundations, I will say nothing (to avoid prolixity), allowing those things to
speak for themselves. These qualities, in my opinion, deserve the imitation of all good
men. Now let us enumerate his vices. He was an immoderate covetor of great wealth;
impatient of labor, he affected an extreme severity, and was too much inclined to cruelty;
his behavior was rude and rough; and he was little imbued with skill either in war or in
the liberal arts. He willingly sought profit and advantage in the miseries of others, and
was more than ever intolerable in straining ordinary offences into sedition or treason; he
cruelly encompassed the death or ruin of many nobles. This also was unendurable, that
while he wished to have it appear that all actions and suits were decided according to the
law, and while the investigation of such affairs was delegated to judges especially
selected as the most proper to decide them, he still would not allow any decision to be
given which was contrary to his own pleasure. He was also insulting, passionate, and
always willing to listen to all informers, without the least distinction as to whether the
charges they advanced were true or false. And this vice is one very much to be dreaded,
even in private affairs of everyday occurrence.
He was dilatory and sluggish; of a swarthy complexion; had a cast in one eye, a
blemish, however, which was not visible at a distance; his limbs were well set; his figure
was neither tall nor short; he was knock-kneed, and rather pot-bellied. This is enough to
say about Valens: and the recollection of his contemporaries will fully testify that this
account is a true one. But we must not omit to mention that when he had learnt that the
oracle of the tripod [Delphi], which we related to have been moved by Patricius and
Hilanus, contained those three prophetic lines, the last of which is "Repelling
murd'rous war in Mimas' plain;" -- he, being void of accomplishments and illiterate,
despised them at first; but as his calamities increased, he became filled with abject
fear, and, from a recollection of this same prophecy, began to dread the very name of
Asia, where he had been informed by learned men that both Homer and Cicero had spoken of
the Mountain of Mimas over the town of Erythrae. Lastly, after his death, and the
departure of the enemy, it is said that a monument was found near the spot where he is
believed to have died, with a stone fixed into it inscribed with Greek characters,
indicating that some ancient noble of the name of Mimas was buried there.
After this disastrous battle, when night had veiled the earth in darkness, those who
survived fled, some to the right, some to the left, or wherever fear guided them, each man
seeking refuge among his relations, as no one could think of anything but himself, while
all fancied the lances of the enemy sticking in their backs. And far off were heard the
miserable wailing of those who were left behind--the sobs of the dying, and the agonizing
groans of the wounded. But when daylight returned, the conquerors, like wild beasts
rendered still more savage by the blood they had tasted, and allured by the temptations of
groundless hope, marched in a dense column upon Hadrianopolis, resolved to run any risk in
order to take it, having been informed by traitors and deserters that the principal
officers of state, the insignia of the imperial authority, and the treasures of Valens had
all been placed there for safety, as in an impregnable fortress.
And to prevent the ardor of the soldiers from being cooled by delay, the whole city was
blockaded by the fourth hour; and the siege from that time was carried on with great
vigor, the besiegers, from their innate ferocity, pressing in to complete its destruction,
while, on the other hand, the garrison was stimulated to great exertions by their natural
courage. . . .
