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           Internte Modern History Sourcebook 
                      Giuseppe Mazzini:  
                      On Nationality, 1852          
           
           
 Giuseppe Mazzini (18051872), the founder (1831) of Young
  Italy, was perhaps the leading figure in liberal nationalism.
    He saw the creation of a democratic  Italian state as crucial
    to Italy's development. 
    
 
 Europe no longer possesses unity of faith, of mission, or of aim.
  Such unity is a necessity in the world. Here, then, is the secret
  of the crisis. It is the duty of every one to examine and analyse
  calmly and carefully the probable elements of this new unity.
  But those who persist in perpetuating, by violence or by Jesuitical
  compromise, the external observance of the old unity, only perpetuate
  the crisis, and render its issue more violent.  
 There are in Europe two great questions; or, rather, the question
  of the transformation of authority, that is to say, of the Revolution,
  has assumed two forms; the question which all have agreed to call
  social, and the question of nationalities. The first is more exclusively
  agitated in France, the second in the heart of the other peoples
  of Europe. I say, which all have agreed to call social, because, generally speaking, every great revolution is so
  far social, that it cannot be accomplished either in the religious,
  political, or any other sphere, without affecting social relations,
  the sources and the distribution of wealth; but that which is
  only a secondary consequence in political revolutions is now the
  cause and the banner of the movement in France. The question there
  is now, above all, to establish better relations between labour
  and capital, between production and consumption, between the workman
  and the employer.  
 It is probable that the European initiative, that which will give
  a new impulse to intelligence and to events, will spring from
  the question of nationalities. The social question may, in effect,
  although with difficulty, be  
 partly resolved by a single people; it is an internal question
  for each, and the French Republicans of 1848 so understood it,
  when, determinately abandoning the European initiative, they placed
  Lamartine's [Note: A French poet and politician] manifesto
  by the side of their aspirations towards the organisation of labour.
  The question of nationality can only be resolved by destroying
  the treaties of 1815, and changing the map of Europe and its public
  Law. The question of Nationalities, rightly understood,
  is the Alliance of the Peoples; the balance of powers based upon
  new foundations; the organisation of the work that Europe has
  to accomplish.  
   
        . . .    
  
 It was not for a material interest that the people of Vienna fought
  in 1848; in weakening the empire they could only lose power. It
  was not for an increase of wealth that the people of Lombardy
  fought in the same year; the Austrian Government had endeavoured
  in the year preceding to excite the peasants against the landed
  proprietors, as they had done in Gallicia; but everywhere they
  had failed. They struggled, they still struggle, as do Poland,
  Germany, and Hungary, for country and liberty; for a word inscribed
  upon a banner, proclaiming to the world that they also live, think,
  love, and labour for the benefit of all. They speak the same language,
  they bear about them the impress of consanguinity, they kneel
  beside the same tombs, they glory in the same tradition; and they
  demand to associate freely, without obstacles, without foreign
  domination, in order to elaborate and express their idea; to contribute
  their stone also to the great pyramid of history. It is something
  moral which they are seeking; and this moral something is in fact,
  even politically speaking, the most important question in the
  present state of things. It is the organisation of the European
  task. It is no longer the savage, hostile, quarrelsome nationality
  of two hundred years ago which is invoked by these peoples. The
  nationality . . . founded upon the following principle:-Whichever
    people, by its superiority of strength, and by its geographical
      position, can do us an injury, is our natural enemy; whichever
      cannot do us an injury, but can by the amount of its force and
      by its position injure our enemy, is our natural ally, -is
  the princely nationality of aristocracies or royal races. The
  nationality of the peoples has not these dangers; it can only
  be founded by a common effort and a common movement; sympathy
  and alliance will be its result. In principle, as in the ideas
  formerly laid down by the men influencing every national party,
  nationality ought only to be to humanity that which the division
  of labour is in a workshop-the recognised symbol of association;
  the assertion of the individuality of a human group called by
  its geographical position, its traditions, and its language, to
  fulfil a special function in the European work of civilisation.  
 The map of Europe has to be remade. This is the key to the
  present movement; herein lies the initiative. Before acting, the
  instrument for action must be organised; before building, the
  ground must be one's own. The social idea cannot be realised under
  any form whatsoever before this reorganisation of Europe is effected;
  before the peoples are free to interrogate themselves; to express
  their vocation, and to assure its accomplishment by an alliance
  capable of substituting itself for the absolutist league which
  now reigns supreme. 
 
 
 Source: 
Giuseppe Mazzini, "Europe: Its Condition and Prospects," Essays: Selected from the Writings, Literary, Political and
  Religious of Joseph Mazzini, ed. William Clark (London: Walter
  Scott, 1880), pp. 266, 27778, 29192. 
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 (c)Paul Halsall Aug 1997  
      
 
 
 
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