Modern History Sourcebook:
British Government Statement:
Policy In India, 1946
1. On the 15th March last, just before the despatch of the Cabinet Mission to India,
Mr. Attlee, the British Prune Minister, used these words:
My colleagues are going to India with the intention of using
their utmost endeavours to help her to attain her freedom as speedily and fully as
possible. What form of Government is to replace the present regime is for India to decide;
but our desire is to help her to set up forthwith the machinery for making that decision .
. . .
I hope that the Indian people may elect to remain within the British Commonwealth. 1 am
certain that she will find great advantages in doing so . . . .
But if she does so elect, it must be by her own free will. The
British Commonwealth and Empire is not bound together by chains of external compulsion. It
is a free association of free peoples. If, on the other hand, she elects for independence,
in our view she has a right to do so. It will be for us to help to make the transition as
smooth and easy as possible.
2. Charged in these historic words, we-the Cabinet Ministers and the Viceroy-have done
our utmost to assist the two main political parties to reach agreement upon the
fundamental issue of the unity or division of India. After prolonged discussions in New
Delhi we succeeded in bringing the Congress and the Muslim League together in conference
at Simla. There was a full exchange of views and both parties were prepared to make
considerable concessions in order to try to reach a settlement, but it ultimately proved
impossible to close the remainder of the gap between the parties and so no agreement could
be concluded. Since no agreement has been reached, we feel that it is our duty to put
for-ward what we consider are the best arrangements possible to ensure a speedy setting up
of the new constitution. This statement is made with the full approval of His Majesty's
Government in the United Kingdom.3. We have accordingly decided that immediate arrangements should be made whereby
Indians may decide the future constitution of India, and an interim Government may be set
up at once to carry on the administration of British India until such time as a new
constitution can be brought into being. We have endeavoured to be just to the smaller as
well as to the larger sections of the people; and to recommend a solution which will lead
to a practicable way of governing the India of the future, and will give a sound basis for
defence and a good opportunity for progress in the social, political and economic field.4. It is not intended in this statement to review the voluminous evidence which has
been submitted to the Mission; but it is right that we should state that it has shown an
almost universal desire, outside the supporters of the Muslim League, for the unity of
India.5. This consideration did not, however, deter us from examining closely and impartially
the possibility of a partition of India; since we were greatly impressed by the very,
genuine and acute anxiety of the Muslims lest they should find themselves subjected to a
perpetual Hindu-majority rule. This feeling has become so strong and widespread amongst
the Muslims that It cannot be allayed by mere paper safeguards. If there is to be internal
peace in India it must be secured by measures which will assure to the Muslims a control
in all matters vital to their culture, religion, and economic or other interests.6. We therefore examined in the first instance the question of a separate and fully
independent sovereign state of Pakistan as claimed by the Muslim League. Such a Pakistan
would comprise two areas: one in the North-West consisting of the provinces of the Punjab,
Sind, North-West Frontier, and British Baluchistan; the other in the North-East consisting
of the provinces of Bengal and Assam. The League were prepared to consider adjustment of
boundaries at a later stage, but insisted that the principle of Pakistan should first be
acknowledged. The argument for a separate state of Pakistan was based, first, upon the
right of the Muslim majority to decide their method of government according to their
wishes, and, secondly, upon the necessity to include substantial areas in which Muslims
are in a minority in order to make Pakistan administratively and economically workable.The setting up of a separate sovereign state of Pakistan on the lines claimed by the
Muslim League would not solve the communal minority problem; nor can we see any
justification for including within a sovereign Pakistan those districts of the Punjab and
of Bengal and Assam in which the population is predominantly non-Muslim. Every argument
that can be used in favour of Pakistan can equally, in our view, be used in favour of the
exclusion of the on-Muslim areas from Pakistan. This point would particularly affect the
position of the Sikhs.7. We, therefore, considered whether a smaller sovereign Pakistan confined to the
Muslim majority areas alone might be a possible basis of compromise. Such a Pakistan is
regarded by the Muslim League as quite impracticable because it would entail the exclusion
from Pakistan of (a) the whole of the Ambala and Jullundur divisions in the Punjab; (b)
the whole of Assam except the district of Sylhet; and (c) a large part of Western Bengal,
including Calcutta, in which city the percentage of the Muslim population is 23.6 per
cent. We ourselves are also convinced that any solution which involves a radical partition
of the Punjab and Bengal, as this would do, would be contrary to the wishes and interests
of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of these provinces. Bengal and the Punjab
each has its own common language and a long history and tradition. Moreover, any division
of the Punjab would of necessity divide the Sikhs, leaving substantial bodies of Sikhs on
both sides of the boundary. We have therefore been forced to the conclusion that neither a
larger nor a smaller sovereign state of Pakistan would provide all acceptable solution for
the communal problem.8. Apart from the great force of the foregoing arguments there are weighty
administrative, economic and military, considerations. . . .10. Finally, there is the geographical fact that the two halves of the proposed
Pakistan state are separated by some seven hundred miles and the communications between
them both in war and peace would be dependent on the goodwill of Hindustan.11. We are therefore unable to advise the British Government that the power which at
present resides in British hands should be handed over to two entirely separate sovereign
states.12. This decision does not, however, blind us to the very real Muslim apprehensions
that their culture and political and social life might become submerged in a purely
unitary India, in which the Hindus with their greatly superior numbers must be a
dominating element. To meet this the Congress have put forward a scheme under which
provinces would have full autonomy subject only to a minimum of central subjects, such as
foreign affairs, defence and communications.Under this scheme provinces, if they wished to take part in economic and administrative
planning on a large scale, could cede to the centre optional subjects in addition to the
compulsory ones mentioned above.13. Such a scheme would, in our view, present considerable constitutional disadvantages
and anomalies. It would be very difficult to work a central executive and legislature in
which some ministers, who dealt with compulsory subjects, were responsible to the whole of
India while other ministers, who dealt with optional subjects, would be responsible only
to those provinces who had elected to act together in respect of such subjects. This
difficulty would be accentuated in the central legislature, where it would be necessary to
exclude certain members from speaking and voting when subjects with which their provinces
were not concerned were under discussion. Apart from the difficulty of working such a
scheme, we do not consider that it would be fair to deny to other provinces, which did not
desire to take the optional subjects at the centre, the right to form themselves into a
group for a similar purpose. This would indeed be no more than the exercise of their
autonomous powers in a particular way..14. Before putting forward our recommendations we turn to deal with the relationship of
the Indian States to British India. It is quite clear that with the attainment of
independence by British India, whether inside or outside the British Commonwealth, the
relationship which has hitherto existed between the Rulers of the States and the British
Crown will no longer be possible. Paramountcy, can neither be retained by the British
Crown nor transferred to the new government. This fact has been fully recognised by those
whom we interviewed from the States. They have at the same time assured us that the States
are ready and willing to co-operate in the new development of India. The precise form
which their co-operation will take must be a matter for negotiation during the building up
of the new constitutional structure and it by no means follows that it will be identical
for all the States. . . .15. We now indicate the nature of a solution which in our view would be just to the
essential claims of all parties and would at the same time be most likely to bring about a
stable and practicable form of constitution for All-India.We recommend that the constitution should take the following basic form:(1 ) There should be a Union of India, embracing both British India and the States,
which should deal with the following subjects: foreign affairs, defence, and
communications; and should have the powers necessary to raise the finances required for
the above subjects.(2) The Union should have an executive and a legislature constituted from British
Indian and States representatives. Any question raising a major communal issue in the
legislature should require for its decision a majority of the representatives present and
voting of each of the two major communities as well as a majority of all the members
present and voting.(3) All subjects other than the Union subjects and all residuary powers should vest in
the provinces.(4) The States will retain all subjects and powers other than those ceded to the Union.(5) Provinces should be free to form groups with executives and legislatures, and each
group could determine the provincial subjects to be taken in common.(6) The constitutions of the Union and of the groups should contain a provision whereby
any province could by a majority vote of its legislative assembly call for a
reconsideration of the terms of the constitution after an initial period of ten years and
at ten-yearly intervals thereafter.[]23. While the constitution-making proceeds the administration of India has to be
carried on. We attach the greatest importance therefore to the setting up at once of an
interim Government having the support of the major political parties. It is essential
during the interim period that there should be the maximum of co-operation in carrying
through the difficult tasks that face the Government of India. Besides the heavy tasks of
day-to-day administration, there is the grave danger of famine to be countered, there are
decisions to be taken in many matters of post-war development which will have a
far-reaching effect on India's future and there are Important international conferences in
which India has to be represented. For all these purposes a government having popular
support is necessary. The Viceroy has already started discussions to this end and hopes
soon to form an interim government in which all the portfolios, including that of War
Member, will be held by Indian leaders having the full confidence of the people. The
British Government, recognising the significance of the changes, will give the fullest
measure of co-operation to the Government so formed in the accomplishment of its tasks of
administration and in bringing about as rapid and smooth a transition as possible. . . .We hope that the new independent India may choose to be a member of the British
Commonwealth. We hope, in any event, that you will remain in close and friendly
association with our people. But these are matters for your own free choice. Whatever that
choice may be, we look forward with you to your ever-increasing prosperity among the
greatest nations of the world and to a future even more glorious than your past.
Source:From India (Cabinet Mission): Statement by the Cabinet Mission and his Excellency
the Viceroy, Cmd 6821 (London: HMSO, 1946), pp.2- 9
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© Paul Halsall, July 1998
halsall@murray.fordham.edu
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