After a quarter century in jail, Nelson Mandela, the leader
of the South African African National Congress, was released
and faced the world's press in a speech carried live throughout
the world.
Comrades and fellow South Africans, I greet you all in the name
of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you
not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your
tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to
be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life
in your hands.
On this day of my release, I extend my sincere and warmest gratitude
to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of
the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. I extend
special greetings to the people of Cape Town, the city which has
been my home for three decades. Your mass marches and other forms
of struggle have served as a constant source of strength to all
political prisoners.
I salute the African National Congress. It has fulfilled our every
expectation In its role as leader of the great march to freedom.
I salute our president, Comrade Oliver Tambo, for leading the
ANC even under the most difficult circumstances.
I salute the rank-and-file members of the ANC: You have sacrificed
life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our struggle.
I salute combatants of Umkhonto We Sizwe (the ANC's military wing)
who paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all South Africans.
I salute the South African Communist Party for its sterling contribution
to the struggle for democracy: You have survived 40 years of unrelenting
persecution. The memory of great Communists like Bram Fisher and
Moses Mabhida will be cherished for generations to come.
I salute General Secretary Joe Slovo, one of our finest patriots.
We are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves
and the party remains as strong as it always was.
I salute the United Democratic Front, the National Education Crisis
Committee, the South African Youth Congress, the Transvaal and
Natal Indian Congresses, and COSATU, and the many other formations
of the mass democratic movement.
I also salute the Black Sash and the National Union of South African
Students. We note with pride that you have endured as the conscience
of white South Africans, even during the darkest days of the history
of our struggle. You held the flag of liberty high. The largescale
mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors
which led to the opening of the final chapter of our struggle.
I extend my greetings to the working class of our country. Your
organized strength is the pride of our movement: You remain the
most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and
oppression.
I pay tribute to the many religious communities who carried the
campaign for justice forward when the organizations of our people
were silenced.
I greet the traditional leaders of our country: Many among you
continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes.
I pay tribute for the endless heroism of youth: You, the young
lions, have energized our entire struggle.
I pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation:
You are the rock-hard foundation of our struggle. Apartheid has
inflicted more pain on you than on anyone else.
On this occasion, we thank the world, we thank the world community
for their great contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle. Without
your support, our struggle could not have reached this advanced
stage.
The sacrifice of the front-line states will be remembered by South
Africans forever.
My celebrations will be incomplete without expressing my deep
appreciation for the strength that has been given to me during
my long and gloomy years in prison by my beloved wife and family.
I am convinced that your pain and suffering was far greater than
my own.
Before I go any further, I wish to make the point that I intend
making only a few preliminary comments at this stage. I will make
a more complete statement only after I have had the opportunity
to consult with my comrades.
Today, the majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize
that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive
mass action in order to build peace and security.
The mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations
and people can only culminate in the establishment of democracy.
The apartheid's destruction on our subcontinent is incalculable.
The fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered.
Millions are homeless and unemployed. Our economy lies in ruins
and our people are embroiled in political strife.
Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of
the military wing of the ANC (Umkhoto We Sizwe) was a purely defensive
action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated
the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to
continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated
settlement would be created soon, so that there may no longer
be the need for the armed struggle.
I am a loyal and disciplined member of the African National Congress.
I am therefore in full agreement with all of its objectives strategies
and tactics.
The need to unite the people of our country is as important a
task now as it always has been. No individual leader is able to
take all this enormous task on his own. It is our task as leaders
to place our views before our organization and to allow the democratic
structures to decide on the way forward
On the question of democratic practice, I feel duty-bound to make
the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been
democratically elected at a national congress. This is a principle
which must be upheld without any exception.
Today, I wish to report to you that my talks with the government
have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the
country. We have not yet begun discussing the basic demands of
the struggle. I wish to stress that I myself have at no time entered
negotiations about the future of our country, except to insist
on a meeting between the ANC and the government.
Mr. de Klerk has gone further than any other nationalist president
in taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there
are further steps, as outlined in the Harare declaration, that
have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our
people can begin.
I reiterate our call for, inter-alia, the immediate ending of
the state of emergency and the freeing of all - and not only
some - political prisoners.
Only such a normalized situation, which allows for free political
activity, can allow us to consult our people in order to obtain
a mandate.
The people need to be consulted on who will negotiate and on the
content of such negotiations.
Negotiations cannot take their place above the heads or behind
the backs of our people.
It Is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined
by a body which is democratically elected on a non-racial basis.
Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address
the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non-racial
and unitary South Africa.
There must be an end to white monopoly on political power and
a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems
to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed, and
our society thoroughly democratized.
It must be added that Mr. de Klerk himself is a man of integrity
who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honoring
his undertaking.
But as an organization, we base our policy and our strategy on
the harsh reality we are faced with, and this reality is that
we are still suffering under the policies of the nationalist government.
Our struggle has reached a decisive moment: We call on our people
to seize this moment, so that the process toward democracy Is
rapid and uninterrupted.
We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait.
Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. To relax
our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will
not be able to forgive.
The sight of freedom looming on the horizon should encourage us
to redouble our efforts. It Is only through disciplined mass action
that our victory can be assured.
We call on our white compatriots to join us in the shaping of
a new South Africa. The freedom movement is a political home for
you, too.
We call on the international community to continue the campaign
to isolate the apartheid regime. To lift sanctions now would run
the risk of aborting the process toward the complete eradication
of apartheid.
Our march toward freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear
to stand in our way.
Universal suffrage on a common voters roll in a united, democratic
and non-racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial
harmony.
In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in
1964 - they are as true today as they were then:
I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against
black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and
free society in which all persons live together in harmony and
with equal opportunity. It is an ideal which I hope to live for
and to achieve. But, if need be, it is an ideal for which I am
prepared to die.
This text is part of the Internet Modern History Sourcebook. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts for introductory level classes in modern European and World history.
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(c)Paul Halsall Aug 1997
halsall@murray.fordham.edu