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Medieval Sourcebook:
Mark the Deacon:
Life of Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza


TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY G. F. HILL
(OXFORD: CLARENDON PRESS, 1913)
[This is a now out-of-copyright translation of this fascinating Life. A new English translation by Claudia Rapp, based on Gregoire's edition, will be published in Medieval Hagiography: A Sourcebook, ed. Thomas Head, (New York: Garland, forthcoming 1998) , and should be consulted by students. Scholars should be sure to consult Marc le Diacre, Vie de Porphyre, ed. and French. trans. by Henri Gregoire and M.A. Kugener, (Paris: Belles lettres, 1930) for a discussion of the serious textual problems.]

The electronic version of this text follows Hill's printed version. In a few cases comments have been add in {these brackets}. Scripture references have been inserted into the text, and notes have been moved from back matter to follow each chapter's text. In the notes, Greek words have been rendered in Latin transcription.

PREFACE

THE present translation of the Life of Saint Porphyry is based on the Greek text published in the Teubner series by the members of the Bonn Philological Society in 1895. My thanks are due to Messrs. Teubner for their courtesy in allowing me to make use of this text, the pages of which are indicated by figures preceded by the letter T in the margin of this translation. {In this etext the T is simply inserted and highlighted within the text.} I have written a short introduction dealing with certain points arising out of the subject, and have added a few notes, which make no claim to originality. Some of these give the Greek text in cases where technical phrases are used, or where I have realized that the original might, perhaps, by scholars more conversant than myself with the Greek of the period, be more adequately rendered. In the notes are also given the chronological data, and the equivalents in weight of gold of the various sums of money mentioned in the text; to attempt to estimate their purchasing power would be futile. For the translation, at the risk of recalling the atmosphere of Wardour Street, a more or less Biblical English has been employed. Such a style seemed naturally to impose itself, in spite of certain inevitable incongruities. The references to the Bible under the text are given first to the English Authorized Version, and then, in brackets, to the Septuagint, where the latter requires a different citation. In the rendering of such quotations I have not followed any English version consistently, so that probably no reader is likely to be satisfied.

The bibliography records the books which I have specially consulted, together with the various editions of the Latin translation by Hervet. It does not, however, contain general books, such as those of Harnack and Duchesne, which must be at the side of every student of the period; nor can it express the amount of my indebtedness to the admirable little dissertation by A. Nuth. Finally, I should like to express my thanks to Mr. H. I. Bell, Mr. Walter Ashburner, and the Rev. C. F. Rogers for their kind assistance in various difficulties; to Mr. J. A. Herbert, who has made various valuable suggestions in reading the translation and Introduction; and above all to Mr. Norman H. Baynes, who has throughout freely placed his great knowledge of Byzantine literature at my disposal, and has read the Introduction and Notes. For the defects in these, as in the translation, I am, however, of course wholly responsible.

G. F. H.
BRITISH MUSEUM,
Aug. 19I2


BIBLIOGRAPHY

MANUSCRIPTS

H = Jerusalem, Patriarchal Library, Cod. S. Sepulchri 1, x cent.
B = Oxford, Baroccianus graec. 238, xi cent.
V = Vienna, hist. graec. 3, x or xi cent.
Vatican, Ottobonianus graec. 92, xvi cent. [a copy of V].
P = Paris, Bibl. Nat. 1452, x cent. (Epitome).
M = Moscow, 184 (376), xi cent. (Epitome).
On these see the Introduction to the Teubner edition, and Nuth's dissertation, pp. I f.

PRINTED TEXTS

A. Greek

Editio Princeps, from V, by M. Haupt, in Abhandlungen Berl. Akad. d. VRiss., 1874, pp. 171 ff.
Marci Diaconi Vita Porphyrii Episcopi Gazensis. ediderunt Societatis Philologae Bonnensis Sodales. Lipsiae (Teubner). 1895. Contains also the text of P and M.
B. Latin
Translation by Gentian Hervet (1499­l584) from V, in
A. Lipomanus, de Vitis Sanctorum (1581), i, pp. 332­9.
Laur. Surius, Vitae Sanctorum (1617), Feb., pp. 200-13.
Bollandius et Henschenius, Scta Sanctorum (1736), Feb. t. iii, pp. 643­61, with Mazochi's annotations.
Gallandius, Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (1773), t. ix, pp. 259­77.
Migne, Patrologia Graeca, t. lxv (1858), pp. 1211 sq.
Bollandists' Acta Sanctorum, t. iii (1865), Feb. 26, pp. 649­66.
C. Russian
Translation by Pomyalovsky, from Haupt's text, in Part V of the Palestinsky Paterik (imperatorskoe Pravoslavnago Palestinskoe Obstcpestvo); 2d. edition, St. Petersburg, 1899.
D. English
Translation of cc. 37­49 by J. B. Bury in his Later Roman Empire, i, pp. 200­5 (1889).

STUDIES AND CRITICISMS

Lenain de Tillemont, Mem. pour servir á I'hist. eccles. (1705), t. x, pp­ 703­16
Ceillier, Juteurs sacres (most conveniently in the edition of 1860), vi, pp. 329­30.
A. Eberhard in Bursian's Jahresbericht, iii (1877), pp. 544­6 (review of Haupt's text).
H. Usener in Legenden der heiligen Pelagia (1879).
J. Draeseke in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie, xxxi (1888), pp 352­74.
The same in Zeitschrift fur kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben (1888), pp. 20­40.
The same in his Gesammelte patristische Untersuchungen (1889), pp. 208 sq. (reprint of the previous article).
The same in Wochenschrift für classische Philologie, 1896, p. 374 (review of the Teubner edition).
A. Ehrhard in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1897, pp. 170­2 (review of the Teubner edition).
A. Nuth, de Marci Diaconi vita Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis ,quaestiones historicae et grammaticae. Bonn Dissertation, 1897. Review of the same by K. Dieterich in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 899, pp. 197, 198

GAZA AND ITS CULTS

K. B. Stark, Gaza und die philistaische Kuste, Jena, 1852
Drexler, art. Marnas in Roscher's Jusfuhrliches Lexikon der griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 2377 ff. (1894­7) .
M. A. Meyer, History of the City of Gaza, New York, 1907.
Benzinger, art. Gaza in Pauly­Wissowa­Kroll, Real­Encyclopadie der class. AItertumswiss. vii. 880 ff. (1910)
G. F. Hill, Some Palestinian Cults of the Graeco-Roman Sge, in Proc. Brit. Acad., v. 1912.


INTRODUCTION

THE city of Gaza, in which most of the events related by Mark the Deacon took place, had in his day passed the meridian of its long history. It is first heard of some nineteen hundred years before that time, when we learn that it opened its gates to the Pharaoh Thothmes III on his way to the conquest of Syria. He made it his base of operations on this campaign. Whenever the city is mentioned during the next three centuries, it is as a possession of the Egyptians. And even to the present day, lying as it does on the borders of Palestine towards Egypt, it retains a strong Egyptian element in its character. After the Egyptians, however, about 1200 B.C., came another conquering race, the Philistines, making on the city an impression which it preserved even through later Egyptian or Syrian domination down to the period of the Roman Empire. To most of us, whose only authority for the history of Palestine is the Bible, Gaza is essentially the city of the Philistines; and not without reason, although we must remember that it was of earlier origin, and that the earliest stratum, Canaanitish or Syrian or Arabian, or whatever it may have been, always underlay the Egyptian and the Philistine. To understand the history of the place it is even more important to realize that the Jewish element did not enter into its making. In fact Gaza, much more than her sister Ascalon, showed herself consistently hostile to the Jews whenever she came into contact with them. We need not go back, for our present purposes, earlier than to Hellenistic times. When Jonathan Maccabaeus, at the time of the wars between Demetrius II and Antiochus VI, made an expedition through Philistia, the people of Ascalon 'met him honourably. From whence he went to Gaza, but they of Gaza shut him out; wherefore he laid siege unto it, and burned the suburbs thereof with fire, and spoiled them. Afterward, when they of Gaza made supplication unto Jonathan, he made peace with them, and took the sons of their chief men for hostages, and sent them to Jerusalem'. In 96 B.C., after a desperate siege of a year's duration, Alexander Jannaeus succeeded by treachery in getting possession of the place. He destroyed it utterly: venit calvitium super Gazam. Whether the new city which arose about a generation afterwards was founded on the same site, or, as is more probable, at some distance off, is a moot point. But, however that may be, it flourished not a little. It reckoned its years from the autumn of 61 B.C.; doubtless that was the time when it was decided to refound the place. Pompeius had granted the Gazaeans their ' freedom ', and the foundation of the new city is generally attributed to Aulus Gabinius, who went to Syria as proconsul in 57 B.C.; but the adoption of the era of 61 shows that plans for the foundation must have been laid earlier. Gaza had not only an era, but (like Ascalon) a calendar of its own, which continued in use at least down to the sixth century after Christ, and probably until the Arab conquest in 635.

The place remained proud of its independence. The all­absorbing Herod the Great, it is true, acquired it in 30 B.C.; but after his death it again became autonomous, in the limited sense in which autonomy was under stood of cities in a Roman province. Under the Roman government, Philistine and Jew perforce controlled their hatred of each other; but it is characteristic of their relations that when an opportunity occurred in the First Revolt against Rome, in 66, the Jews attacked and plundered and at least partly burned the hated city.

Hadrian, who took a great interest in this, as in all the cities of the provinces, visited it more than once; the most important occasion was in 130. For a short time the coins of the city bear a double date, one reckoned by the ordinary era, the other from the year of this visit. A public festival, the ' Hadrianic panegyris ', was long celebrated annually in his honour; and it is probable that the coins bear this special date because they were issued annually to supply the unusual demand created by the influx of visitors to the festival. It is true that the Paschal Chronicle attributes the foundation of the panegyris to an earlier visit of the Emperor in X I9, but the commencement of the new era in 130 is against it. To one of Hadrian's visits, also, we may conjecturally assign the foundation of the great temple of the god Marnas, which Mark describes with a mixture of pride and abhorrence. For the temple is first represented on the coins of Hadrian himself. The ' Olympian ' Emperor who founded the great temple of Zeus on the sacred mountain Gerizim of the Samaritans would not be slow to recognize the claims of the ' Cretan Zeus ' of the Gazaeans. It is said that after the suppression of a revolt of the Jews in A.D. 119, Hadrian selected Gaza as the place at which to sell his Jewish captives; the Gazaeans doubtless appreciated this privilege.

For centuries the city continued to prosper exceedingly. It was officially recognized by the imperial government as a sacred and autonomous city, enjoying the right of asylum. Eventually, we do not know exactly when, it attained the rank of a Roman ' colony '. Mark's praise of the city may be read in his fourth chapter. Antoninus Martyr, about a century and a half later, calls it civitas splendida deliciosa. In the fifth and sixth centuries it was the home of a school of rhetoric in which Procopius and Choricius are the most important names. It is, perhaps, not altogether unfortunate that Mark the Deacon lived too early to come under the influence of this school.

We can easily understand that in a place with a history of this kind Christianity had a harder struggle than was usual to gain a footing. The Philistines were even more stiff­necked than the Jews. It was only natural that in all towns where interests, not merely religious or sentimental, but also financial, were involved in the pagan worships, the conditions affecting the establishment of the new religion, even though recognized by the imperial government, should have been more arduous than in country places. But when the town had the peculiar individuality of Gaza, the fight must have been especially hard. So it came about that Gaza was one of the last strongholds of Paganism to fall before the advance of Christianity. The history of that fall is told by Mark.

Unable at first to make much impression on Gaza itself (for even if Philip entered there, his mission hardly had any permanent result), the Christians, so to speak, drew their lines around it. Little Christian communities sprang up in the surrounding villages. A gradually increasing number of believers was to be found in the city; though when a person is described as ' of Gaza ' it is not always possible to say whether he belonged to the city or to its district. It may be that, as Duchesne thinks, the persecution under Diocletian was not so severe in Palestine as elsewhere. But of what persecution there was, Gaza and its district had a respectable share. Of the seven Gazaean virgins (mentioned by the Bollandists, August 31) who were put to the sword, we know no details, not even whether they suffered in the great persecution or at another time. But we have the story of a Christian maiden from the neighbourhood of Gaza, who, threatened with the stews, protested against the tyrant who allowed such monsters to represent him in the government of his dominions. She was put to the torture and burned, together with another poor woman, Valentina, who had protested on her behalf. Other martyrs connected with Gaza who figure in the calendar are Major, apparently a soldier of the Mauretanian legion (martyred about 303, and commemorated on February 15), Agapius, Thecla, and Timotheus (all commemorated on August I9); and Thee and Maiour (December I9). Thecla was apparently a native of Bizya in Thrace, but probably suffered at Gaza under Diocletian, being thrown to wild beasts. Agapius's place of martyrdom is doubtful, but whether he suffered at Gaza or at Caesarea, he is mentioned by Eusebius along with Thecla in a way that seems to connect him with the former place. As to Timotheus, Eusebius definitely assigns his martyrdom to Gaza in the second year of the persecution, that is to say, 304. It is he whose shrine the Christians of Gaza visited on the occasion of their prayers for rain, as described by Mark in c. 20. Thee and Maiour (also mentioned in the same passage as sharing a shrine with Timotheus) belong to the later stage of the persecution, having suffered in 3c8, under Maximin II. It is probably a mere coincidence that another Timotheus, a deacon who was martyred far away in Mauretania, is also commemorated on the same day with them; the idea that it is this martyr whose shrine is mentioned by Mark in c. 20 is almost certainly mistaken. Mention is due also to Alexander, as one of the six misguided enthusiasts who, with hands tied, thrust themselves on the notice of Urbanus, the governor of the province, protesting that they were ready to fight with beasts. It is to be hoped that they were satisfied when he beheaded them at Caesarea. But the foremost figure among the Christians of Gaza in these days was Silvanus, an army­veteran, and a presbyter and confessor of the neighbourhood of the city. In the fifth year of the persecution he was sent to the mines at Phaeno, to the south of the Dead Sea; for such transportation had by this time begun to replace more violent measures of repression. At Phaeno he seems to have been ordained bishop. Duchesne suggests that this may have been one of the irregular ordinations due to Meletius. It must, however, be noted that Eusebius in one place calls him ' bishop of the churches round Gaza '. When the colony at Phaeno was broken up in 3IO, the military commandant got rid of Silvanus by beheading him. The Christians doubtless regarded him as a martyr, but Duchesne notes that his execution differs in kind from the ordinary martyrdom.

Throughout the Great Persecution the Christians in Gaza itself doubtless continued to meet secretly for worship, and we hear of a meeting being raided by the police, and the prisoners subjected to torture and mutilation.

Of all the places in the neighbourhood of Gaza, its port, Maiumas, was the most fruitful field for the work of the Christians. Gaza, it must be remembered, lay some two and a half miles inland. The population of ports, the ' nautical rabble ', is notoriously susceptible to innovating influences. The old­fashioned upper class of Gaza, people like that family which Saint Porphyry converted en bloc, as Mark tells us in one of his most graphic episodes, must have looked down with contempt on the people of Maiumas, most of whom were probably concerned in the Egyptian trade. Mark, indeed, lets fall a significant observation when he says (c. 58) that the Christians from the seaport were more numerous than those in the city because there were many Egyptian wine­merchants there. The Christianizing influence doubtless came rather from Alexandria than from Caesarea or any other place in Palestine, Maiumas was so far out of sympathy with Gaza in matters of religion, that-doubtless in response to an appeal on the part of the inhabitants, and at any rate on the ground that it was predominantly Christian-Constantine made it an independent city with its own bishop, and named it after his sister Constantia (according to Eusebius) or his son Constantius (according to Sozomen). But if he called it Constantia, Mark and other writers such as Sozomen (himself very familiar with the neighbourhood) continue to use the old name. That is not entirely due to the fact that, as we shall see, Julian the Philosopher revoked Constantine's grant. In such matters most Syrian cities were extraordinarily conservative, and with rare exceptions the original Semitic name has survived the Greek or Roman into modern times; and the name of the port is still preserved in the form Maimas.

Besides ordinary communities in the towns and villages, we hear also of settlements of hermits and monasteries all round Gaza, especially at Bethelia. These seem to have first sprung up in Palestine under the influence of Saint Hilarion, a native of Thabatha, a few miles south of Gaza, and the chief figure in the history of Christianity in this region during the middle of the fourth century. Born about 290 or 300, the son of heathen parents, he was educated in Egypt. There he became a Christian. But, finding the hermit life, as represented in Egypt by Saint Antony and his disciples, to be far from solitary, he returned at a comparatively early age to Palestine. He set up as a hermit in a less populous ' desert ', about seven miles from Maiumas. But even here solitude was not to be found. His hermitage was greatly frequented; his disciples, hermits like himself, are said to have been many thousands in number. Among the many miracles which are attributed to this fantastic ascetic was that of releasing the racing­chariot, drawn by horses trained by a Christian of Maiumas, from the influence of spells cast upon it by his heathen rivals with the aid of their god Marnas Hilarion long remained a centre of popular attraction; but before the disturbances in Julian's reign began he had left Palestine to wander about the world, and to die in Cyprus. His remains were translated to Maiumas Saint Jerome wrote his life, on the strength of information supplied by Epiphanius of Salamis, who had known him both in Palestine and in Cyprus.

Of the official history, so to speak, of the Church during this period, we can only glean a little information from a few incidental references. At the Council of Nicaea in 325, Gaza-or at any rate the district round it- was represented by Bishop Asclepas, who was on the side of Athanasius. He had been bishop in the time of the great persecution; whether he was actually able to live as such in Gaza itself is uncertain, although it seems clear that even then there must have been a small community of Christians in the city. But now, probably soon after 325, arose the first church, which Mark in c. 20 calls the ' old church '. As regards Asclepas, his orthodoxy exposed him to the attacks of the Arianizing Eastern bishops, who actually deposed him (on the ground of having overthrown an altar), perhaps as early as 326, appointing in his place one Quintianus. Nevertheless, he appeared at the Council of Tyre in 335; and, from the encyclical letters afterwards written by the Eastern bishops when they retired from the Council of Sardica, it would appear that he had returned to his see, and violent scenes had ensued. Like Athanasius and many other objects of Arian persecution, he betook himself to Pope Julius at Rome. The Roman Council of 340 quashed the judgement against him, and again in 342-if that is the date of the Council of Sardica-he was once more declared innocent, and returned to Gaza.

Julian the Philosopher (360­3) thought ConstantineXs action in regard to Maiumas of sufficient importance to require that he should reverse it; and the port was once more made subject to Gaza. Sozomen tells us that the Gazaeans brought a suit against the people of Maiumas, and that Julian decided against the latter, which was deprived of its former name (by which is doubtless meant Constantia, not Maiumas) and received the appellation of ' seaside quarter of Gaza '. That description is used by Mark, sometimes alone, once with the explanation that it is the same as Maiumas. Both places were under the same civil governors and officials. But ecclesiastically they remained distinct; for of course Julian simply ignored the Christian Church in any reconstitution of affairs. An attempt by a later Bishop of Gaza (some time in the last quarter of the fourth century) to absorb Maiumas into his diocese was met by the declaration of the provincial synod that Maiumas, as the elder of the two places in the Christian faith, should not be deprived of its independence. So Maiumas continued to be governed by its own bishops until the fifth century, and perhaps later. The only occupant of the see known to fame in the fourth century is Saint Zeno, who died about 400.

Julian's reactionary measures were accompanied by an anti­Christian outbreak. The basilica of Gaza, like those of Ascalon, Berytus, and other cities, was burned, and some blood was shed. From Theodoret and the Paschal Chronicle we learn that in 362 presbyters and virgins were murdered and their corpses given to be devoured by swine. Sozomen tells vividly the story of the rioting, and of the martyrdom of Saints Eusebius, Nestabus, and Zeno. When the riot broke out, these men were dragged from the house in which they had taken refuge, and cast into prison. The citizens then held an uproarious meeting in the theatre, after which they ran to the prison, took the unfortunate Christians out, and murdered them with every circumstance of brutality. Another Christian, Nestor, was maltreated at the same time, but his personal beauty excited the compassion of the mob, who cast him out of the city before he was quite dead. He vas carried to the house of Zeno, the cousin of the three other murdered men, and afterwards Bishop of Maiumas; but he died while his wounds were being dressed. This Zeno, himself in danger of the same fate, had fled to the neighbouring Anthedon. There the heathen, more merciful than the Gazaeans, only scourged him; he was able to escape to Maiumas, where he lay hid until the danger had passed.

The bodies of Eusebius, Nestabus, and Zeno were burned by the heathen, who, knowing the Christian affection for relics, and doubtless fearing their efficacy, mingled such bones as escaped the flames with the bones of camels and asses. But their precaution, the legend says, was vain; for the identity of the bones was divinely revealed to a Christian woman who was living at Gaza (though she was not a native of the city). She gathered them reverently together in a pot and conveyed them to the future Bishop of Maiumas-still divinely directed, for she knew him not before. Zeno kept the bones until, in the reign of Theodosius, he was ordained bishop; then he built a house of prayer outside the walls of the city, and placed under the altar the bones of the three martyrs and of Nestor the Confessor.

The governor of the province very properly arrested the ringleaders of the riot and held them to trial for sedition and murder. But he was reckoning without his Emperor. Julian, we are told, remarking that the Gazaeans had only retaliated on the Galilaeans for past offences, relieved the too zealous governor of his office.

If Sozomen is to be believed, Saint Hilarion also narrowly escaped death on the same occasion; but his enemies found him fled. There is, however, some reason to think that he may have left Palestine some time before.

Saint Ambrose (writing in 388) attributes the burning of the churches at this time to the Jews, but the ordinary Gazaean population scarcely needed their assistance in such an affair.

It would seem that the basilica was not utterly destroyed, unless that which Mark calls the ' old church ' was a second building, which is hardly probable. Bishop Irenion, who was present at the Synod of Antioch in 363, and died about 393, built the bishop's house, and also a church which was called ' Peace ' (c. 18). It was during his occupation of the see that Saint Paula, Jerome's friend, visited Gaza (in 386). His successor Aeneias hlled the see for a very short time, being followed by Porphyry in 395.

Thus, when Porphyry came upon the scene, there were already two churches and a bishop's house in existence. Yet the Christians were very few in numbers. And the pagans had no less than eight temples for public worship, not to mention the idols in private houses and in the villages.

Most of the heathen deities with whom the Christians had to contend in Gaza are familiar to all students of antiquity-the Sun, Aphrodite, Apollo, the Maiden (i. e. Persephone, rather than the consort of Marnas), Hecate, the Fortune of the City, and some hero who was worshipped at a shrine called the Heroon. These are all mentioned by Mark (c. 64). The Fortune of the City was represented, as Stephanus of Byzantium and Eustathius tell us, with a heifer beside her, for Io; and so indeed she appears on local coins.

But the chief god of Gaza, as is abundantly evident, was Marnas, the ' Cretan Zeus '. Though he is forgotten now, his worship was of the greatest importance in Palestine. A dedication to him has been found at Canatha in the Hauran. It is significant that, as Lampridius incidentally records, the Syrian Emperor Severus Alexander invoked Marnas and Jupiter in the same breath.

This deity is of sufficient historical interest to justify some discussion of his nature in this place. His name is generally explained as of Syrian origin, and equivalent to ' Our Lord '. Of the truth of this etymology there is grave doubt; the Syrian appearance of the word is probably fortuitous. Nor need we look to any connexion with a word for rain; Mark's statement (c. I9) that Marnas was regarded as the lord of rain means no more than that he was a sky­god or a god of fertility, as every local ' Zeus ' or ' Baal ' was. The true connexion is more likely to be with a Cretan word, which is preserved in the forms marna (recorded as the word for ' maiden '), and 'Britomartis ' (which is glossed as ' sweet maiden '). But how, it will be asked, can a word meaning ' maiden ' have anything to do with Zeus > The answer is that the name ' Marnas ' must stand to ' marna ' as ' Kouros ', the young man (under which name we know that the Cretans worshipped the young Zeus), to ' Kora ', the maiden goddess. Marnas and Marna, then, would be the young Zeus and his young consort. Now the worship of a young Zeus, coupled in legend with a goddess or nymph, sometimes called Europa, sometimes Dictynna, sometimes Britomartis, is especially characteristic of Crete. Dictynna or Britomartis is a sort of maiden goddess of the woods and wilds; the Greeks identified her naturally with Artemis the huntress. As the lover of Britomartis w e find Minos; but Minos is merely a hypostasis of the Cretan Zeus.

Were it not supported by other evidence, one might hesitate to press the philological connexion of Marnas with Crete (for philological speculations are notoriously precarious, and the weight of the opinion of Semitic scholars is probably against us). But first comes the definite statement, found in more than one ancient writer, that Marnas was the Cretan Zeus. Next, there is the tradition that Gaza itself was a Cretan foundation. It was actually called Minoa, as having been founded by Minos. True, our authority for this statement, Stephanus of Byzantium, is late; but when his statements are not in themselves absurd or contradictory of known facts, they are to be treated with respect. That the people of Gaza, in Roman times at least, believed in the tradition, is certain; they actually represented Minos on their coins. This tradition has been treated with contempt by scholars of the class, now happily decreasing in numbers, who believe that Greek tradition is never based on fact of any kind, and is not worth considering in the light of archaeological evidence. We have been told that the tradition is an invention of antiquaries of the Graeco­Roman age. If so, then those antiquaries must have possessed a curious faculty of divination. They can hardly have been acquainted with the old identification of the Cherethites with the Cretans, or with Jeremiah's significant description of the Philistines as ' the remnant of the country of Caphtor', any more than they can have guessed at what the spade has lately revealed to us.

Recent archaeological research in Crete and Philistia proves, beyond any possible doubt, a connexion between the two countries in Minoan times. Whether the Philistines went to Crete from Palestine or came to Palestine from Crete (which is the more likely), the connexion between the two countries is now definitely established by the pottery which has been found in excavations such as those at Gezer, Bethshemesh and Tell­es­Safi (Gath).

So much for the general connexion between Crete and Philistia. Now for Marnas. A1though the coins on which he is represented are miserable works of art, and it is difficult to be certain of details, yet this much seems to be established. First, he seems to be a youthful god. The attributes which he holds are so obscure that it is perhaps preferable not to conjecture what they are; but one of them looks like a bow, and his general aspect like that of the young Zeus Kasios at Pelusium is Apolline. Secondly, as the figure on the title­page of this book shows, he is accompanied in his temple by a goddess in the attitude and with the attributes of the Greek huntressgoddess, Artemis. After what we have read of the Cretan Britomartis, will it be doubted that we have here, in Marnas and the Artemislike goddess, any other than the Cretan Zeus and his consort Britomartis, or Dictynna: Kouros and Kora ?

The Zeus Kasios of Pelusium, just mentioned, is connected by more than coincidence with Zeus­Marnas of Gaza. They are both young, Apolline gods. Further, when Epiphanius is describing the worship of human beings as gods by the heathen, two of the instances he chooses are ' Marnas the slave of Asterios ' at Gaza (be it noted that Asterios is one of the names of the Cretan Zeus) and ' Kasios the ship­owner at Pelusium '. What euhemeristic interpretation of these two cults he had in his mind is unfortunately unknown to us; but the juxtaposition of the two is suggestive. Rather more vague in its suggestion, but not negligible, is the statement of Stephanus and Eustathius that the stretch of sea from Gaza to Pelusium was known as the Ionian Sea. It is true that they derive the name from Io, who was worshipped at Gaza. But in all probability it really means the Greek sea, the sea of Javan, the coast of which received colonists (and their cults) from the western isles, such as Crete.

The fall of the Marneion removed the last stronghold of Paganism in this part of the world. The Serapeion at Alexandria had fallen in 391; the destruction of the temples of Heliopolis and Apameia had followed soon after. ' Now ', wrote Jerome to Laeta from his cell at Bethlehem, ' the Egyptian Serapis also has become Christian; Marnas at Gaza mourns in prison, and expects in dread the instant destruction of his temple.' And later, in his commentary on Isaiah, in 411, he triumphantly proclaims: ' the Serapeum at Alexandria and the temple of Marnas at Gaza have risen up again into churches of the Lord.' With that, although it would be idle to pretend that Paganism was rooted out, we may say that it ceased to be an established faith. And by about a century later it seems to have completely disappeared from Gaza, for the biography of Peter the Iberian, Bishop of Maiumas in the fifth century, written about 500, shows no sign of it.

Of Mark's book, as literature, it is not necessary to say much. Draeseke has suggested that the writer may have been acquainted with the works of Dionysius the Areopagite; but the resemblances (as of the vision of Porphyry in the Place of the Skull to the vision of Carpus related by Dionysius in his eighth Letter) on which he bases his theory seem quite insufficient to support it. We must take the book as it is. Its transparent sincerity has won for it admiration, even in the bald Latin translation by which alone it was known until the first publication of the Greek text by Haupt in 1874. Graces of style it has none; the vocabulary is limited ­ and monotonous. Nevertheless, after the somewhat clumsy introduction, there is not a dull line in it, and it is unsurpassed in directness and vividness of narration by any biography of a similar subject. The author's point of view is, of course, narrow; the great events of his time do not interest him, except in so far as they touch the interests of his little corner of Palestine. But the statements that Praylius was Bishop of Jerusalem when Porphyry was ordained presbyter, and that Theodosius II was proclaimed Emperor from his birth, seem to be the only positive historical errors in the text. On the date of the birth of Theodosius II it would appear that he is right, and the great majority of other writers wrong. His omissions are, however, somewhat extraordinary. Draeseke has pointed out, for instance, how astonishing it is that he makes no mention of the death of Eudoxia, to whom the Christians of Gaza were so deeply indebted, and who did not live to hear of the completion of the church which was named after her. Yet she had said in his hearing, ' Remember always me and my child.'

It is hardly necessary to say that the genuineness of the book has been impugned; but the names of the sceptics, whose arguments were sufficiently refuted long ago, need not be disinterred from the obscurity in which they lie.

Mark tells us little about himself, save that he was by profession a calligrapher, and came from Asia to Jerusalem, where he became the disciple of Porphyry. The saint sent him to Thessalonica to settle his affairs. About 397 he was ordained deacon, and in the next year sent on a mission to Constantinople, to obtain a decree against the pagan temples of Gaza. He accompanied Porphyry again to Constantinople on the more successful mission of 40I­2. His book, in which he reported at length the dispute between Porphyry and the unfortunate Manichaean Julia, is lost to us. It must have been interesting, but one doubts whether it would have been impartial. For Mark has the faults of his qualities, and one can hardly expect him to show mercy to Arian or Manichaean, any more than to ' them of the idol­madness '. He has a bound less admiration for the irrepressible Barochas. Barochas, indeed, is the second hero of the book. Whenever he appears he seems to be either smiting the heathen hip and thigh or, more often, being beaten by them to within an inch of his life. ' Quel homme, ce Baruch ! ' we exclaim with Lafontaine. But if Mark is carried away by enthusiasm for the godly zeal of this champion of the faithful, or for the ascetic extravagances of Porphyry or Salamtha, the old Adam is by no means dead in him. We catch a glimpse of him when we read (C, 42) of the beauty of the blushing Eudoxia or (c. 88) of the handsome young men and women who support the Manichaean Julia; and it is clear to any one who reads with intelligence the story of Salamtha that Mark was, innocently enough, affected by the charm of the maid. It is this sympathy in the writer which is his most attractive quality to the modern reader.

The picture of Porphyry which Mark draws is singularly human. It would be absurd to judge the bishop by modern standards, as does the German historian who complains of his brutality in the persecution of the heathen. It is true that he paved the street with sacred stones from the Marneion, and that he cursed the Manichaean Julia, so that she fell down in a fit and died. He thus even surpassed the Christian sophist Aetius, whose victory in debate over Aphthonius the Manichaean caused the latter to die of chagrin, though, it would seem, not so suddenly as Julia. Such remarkable sensitiveness on the part of the Manichaeans to defeat in argument (or abuse) may have helped to console their Christian adversaries for the fact that Diocletian's decree, imposing the death penalty on adherence to the doctrines of Manes, was never carried into effect. ' There is no hostilitie so excellent', said Montaigne, ' as that which is absolutely Christian.' Nevertheless, one has read of more brutal saints than Porphyry; and usually, if Mark is not a downright liar, he acted under considerable provocation:

Cet animal est tres mechant;
Quand on l'attaque, il se defend.

From the data given by his biographer, it is calculated that Porphyry must have been born at Thessalonica about A.D. 347; for he was about forty­five years old when he was made presbyter; he was ordained bishop after being a presbyter for three years, and died in 420 after having filled the see for very nearly twenty­five years. For all the events of his life Mark is almost the only authority He fails, however, to mention that the bishop was present in 415 at the Council of Diospolis, at which the Pelagian heresy was condemned. He appears to have been succeeded (though perhaps not directly) by Natiras or Netoras, who is known to have been bishop in 431.

Saint Porphyry is commemorated on February 26.


THE LIFE OF
SAINT PORPHYRY,
BISHOP OF GAZA

1.

T1 It is a good thing to behold with our own eyes the contendings of holy men, and their godly zeal and desire, for the sight thereof causeth us to love them. Nevertheless the narrations of such as have known them truly likewise furnish no small profit, stealing into the souls of them that listen. Sight indeed is more trustworthy than hearing, but hearing also persuadeth, if the tale be told by such as be worthy of belief. If then in the narration of profitable matters no heedlessness were found, neither were the seed of falsehood sown among the truth, the writing down of such things were superfluous; for the truth would suffice for edification, seeing that the seed thereof would be sown continually and the ears of one generation receive it from another. But seeing that time breedeth corruption, either through forgetfulness or through heedlessness, I am of necessity come to the present writing, in order that in the long course of time so saintly a man, I mean the holy T2 Porphyry, may not be forgotten. For to remember his righteous deeds is a medicine and a defence unto them which hear.

2.

For it is strange that tragic poets and other such writers should spend their speech on laughter and old wives' fables, but that we should suffer men who are saints and worthy of remembrance to be given over to forgetfulness. What punishment shall I not justly suffer, if I commit not to writing the life of a man, so beloved of God, that may teach us to love wisdom through him, who strove zealously after the heavenly life ? We shall tell the history of his wars and his standing up not only against the leaders and champions of the madness of idols, but even against a whole people filled full of all madness. For he remembered the words of the blessed apostle, w hereby he saith: ' Take up the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the terrible day, and having overcome all to stand.' [Eph. 6:13]. Having put on this whole armour the said apostle went in unto the fight; but Porphyry also, having like adversaries, and as mighty, and being set to a conflict like unto the apostle's, was crowned with an equal victory, and did raise up a trophy in the midst of the city of the Gazaeans, even that holy church of Christ which he did found. T3 But that which gave him the victory was not his human nature, but his purpose, which drew unto itself the divine grace: for the love of Christ being exceeding hot within him, he had power to suffer and to do all things. How many warlike onslaughts did this man abide at the hands of his adversaries; how many plottings and mockings did he endure !

NOTES:

other such writers. i e. especially writers of comedy, to whom, by a chiastic construction, the 'laughter' refers, while ' old wives' fables ' refers to the writers of tragedy.
that may teach us. Literally: the life of a man so beloved of God, a life, teaching philosophy, of him who strove earnestly after the heavenly life.
madness of idols. eidolmania and the corresponding adjective -manes are used by Mark, though not exclusively, in preference to the milder eidolatria, -latres
terrible day. Mark's text has phobera (probably by a mere slip of memory) instead of ponera which is the reading of the New Testament MSS.
holy church. Agion ekklesion The epithet here seems to have a purely general sense. Usener (Legenden der heiligen Pelagia, p. 38), commenting on the phrase where it occurs in c. 202 says that it means the chief church in the city, under the immediate control of the bishop. But in many places, as in the phrase scholazein te hagio ekklesia, it can hardly have any such special sense; and here, although the church founded by Porphyry happens to have been the cathedral church, the addition of the qualification tou Christou seems to indicate that the adjective is used quite generally.

3.

But because it is not possible to tell fully all things concerning that famous man, since they are many, and to the many seem to be incredible, I will set forth a few things which I remember, having lived with him for a long time, and enjoyed converse with that blessed and awful soul that now dwelleth with the angels. Who then would not justly praise this man, who possessed in himself all manner of virtue I know indeed that no words could attain unto the virtue of such a man; nevertheless I must endeavour, being of good courage through his holy prayers. But I will write his praises not in high­sounding words; for elegant words are not wont to adorn the life of such men, but rather doth the virtue of their works magnify the speech itself wherein they are told. Wherefore I also, being encouraged by the holy prayers of the said saintly man, do approach this writing, asking through them for grace and help from the Lord Jesus Christ, that I may be able, whatsoever be the occasion, to set forth the virtue of the holy man. But I pray them, who do chance to read this writing, not to disbelieve the things that are said therein; for I was an eye­witness of the virtue of the man, living with him and faring with him by T4 sea, and being evil entreated with him until the last day of his life in this world. But here let me make a beginning of the telling of my story.

NOTES:

awful soul. phobera: the sense of this adjective, like that of the English awful, has weakened down to that of thaumastos See Nuth, p. 37.
Whatsoever be the occasion. oia depote prophasei: possibly ' by whatsoever means '. The two senses come very close together, as in c. 31.

4.

Gaza is a city of Palestine that is on the borders of Egypt; and it is of no small account, being a populous city and notable.

But there flourished in it about that time the madness of men after idols. The bishopric of this city did Porphyry, of whom we tell the praise, receive. For his country indeed he had in heaven Jerusalem (for therein was his name written) and on earth Thessalonica; and his family was noble. Now there came upon him a divine desire to leave his country and the splendour of his family and countless riches, and to cleave unto the solitary life; and taking ship from the city of the Thessalonians he cometh unto Egypt. And straightway he went to Scetis, and after a few days is deemed worthy of the honourable habit. And when he had sojourned there with the holy fathers for the space of five years, again there entered into him another divine desire to worship the holy and venerable places of God; and when he had gone thither and worshipped, he departed into the parts about Jordan and dwelt in a cave, sojourning there also likewise five years in much affliction. And by reason of the great dryness and changeableness in T5 those parts, he fell into a great sickness. But seeing himself to be sick unto death, by the dispensation (of God) he beseecheth one of his acquaintance to take him up to Jerusalem. Now his disease was a hardening of the liver with a continuous fever, very slight. And though such a disease prevailed over him and pierced his entrails without ceasing, and his body was consumed away, yet he ceased not daily to go around the holy places, being bowed down and vithout strength to hold his body upright, but leaning upon a staff.

Now at that time it chanced that I also came by ship from Asia to worship the venerable places, and having come there I sojourned a long time, living by the work of my hands; for I was skilled in the art of handwriting. And beholding the holy man going continually to the Resurrection of Christ and to the other places of prayer, I marvelled that in so great weakness of body he forbore not so to vex himself.

NOTES:

to leave his country. About 372, when he was about twenty­five years old.
Scetis The most desert of the monastic settlements in the district of the Wady Natron or Valley of Nitria, about sixty miles south of Alexandria. See Dom C. Butler's edition of Palladius, Hist. Lauriaca, ii, p. 1 87; Duchesne, Hist. of Early Christian Church, vol. ii (Eng. ed. 1912), p. 391 f.
honourable habit. timiou proschematos, the monastic habit. The epithet is also used by Mark of the Cross and of baptism, and may there be translated ' precious '. In all connexions it is doubtless merely ornamental.
when he had gone thither. About 377.
changeableness. Of temperature (between night and day, rather than between the seasons)
by the dispensation (of God). oikonomia is used (without theou) like pronoia, for God's providence (Nuth, p. 54 f.). The reason for the use of the phrase here is not obvious; it does not appear why the decision to return to Jerusalem was more providential than any other of Porphyry's actions.
to take him up to Jerusalem. About 382.
a hardening of the liver with a continuous fever, very slight. skiroma (or skirroma) is, Sir Clifford Allbutt informs me, a general word for ' induration ' (cp. Dioscor. de Mat. Med. i. 1. 3, and Pollux Onom . iv. 1 98 kapkinoma, skirroma meta phlegmones epalyges). leptotaton seems to be merely ' very slight ', rather than ' subtle ' in the sense of ' insidious '.
I also came. Before 392
the Resurrection of Christ. The Anastasis, a circular building containing the Holy Sepulchre, a portion of the buildings connected with Constantine's basilica erected on the site of the former temple of Astarte. See the plans in ' The Churches of Constantine at Jerusalem ' (Library of the Palest. Pilgrims Text Soc., vol. i).

5.

And on a day meeting him on the steps of the Testimony, that was founded by the blessed Emperor Constantine, seeing that he could not go forward on his feet, I ran and stretched forth my hand to him and besought him to lean upon it and go up the steps. But T6 he would not, saying: ' It is not just that I who go my way to ask pardon for my sins should lean upon the hands of another; but let God see my labour, brother, that in his unspeakable compassion he may have pity on me also.' Therefore he went his way and hearkened to the divine sayings, lending ear unto the doctors, and partaking always of the mystic table he would return again to his lodging. What manner of life he lived, indeed, w as manifest, for he despised his sickness in such wise that one accounted him to have the disease not in his own but in another man's body; for the hope of God made it light for him to bear.

NOTES:

Testimony. The Martyrion, the basilica of Constantine, is said to have been so called as being built over the place that bore witness to the Resurrection. See Eusebius, Vita Const. iii, c. 28; and Saint Cyril's Catechetical Lectures, xiv. 6. It stood actually over the spot where the Cross was found; while the reputed site of the Crucifixion was supposed to lie between it and the Anastasis.

6.

But this alone did grieve and hurt him, that his superfluity should remain and not be sold, according to the saying of the Gospel, and distributed among the poor. [Matt 19:21] Now the cause of this hindrance was that his brethren were children when he departed out of his own country. Being therefore grieved about this matter, he asketh me, who was now familiar with him (for I served him because of his weakness), to take ship to Thessalonica and divide his possessions with his brethren; and giving me a letter with his commandments and commending me unto the Lord he let me depart, giving me a very little for my expenses; for he had but small wealth at that time Straightway I went down to Ascalon and found a ship and put to sea, and after thirteen days, having made a fair voyage, we came to Thessalonica; and T7 having shown the written commandment I divided the possessions with his brethren And I sold to them the goods which s ere my lot for three thousand pieces of gold, but the raiment and the silver vessels I brought with me and other pieces of gold, a thousand and four hundred; and when I had gathered all together in the space of three months I put to sea again, and came after twelve days to the port of Ascalon; and there having hired beasts of burden and laden them I went up unto the holy city And straightway when he beheld me the thrice blessed man embraced me with joy and tears (for joy also can cause tears to flow); but I knew him not; for his body was very strong and his countenance ruddy And I turned my eyes about looking often upon him; but he, seeing it, smiled pleasantly and said:

NOTES:

pieces of gold. The ordinary nomisma or solilus of the time, weighing 4.55 grammes, being 1/72 of the Roman pound. Three thousand of these would be equivalent in weight to over £1,700 sterling; and 1,400 to about £800.

7.

Marvel not, brother Mark, seeing me whole and strong, but learn the cause of my being healed and then marvel exceedingly at the unspeakable loving­kindness of Christ, how the things whereof men have despaired are by him made straight ' And I besought him to tell me the cause of his being healed and how he had cast out such a disease And he answered me ' About forty days ago when I was keeping the vigil of the holy day of the Lord, an unspeakable pain of the liver gat hold upon me, and being T8 unable to endure the anguish I vent and lay down near the sacred Skull, and by reason of the great pain I fell as it were into a trance. And I see the Saviour nailed upon the Cross and one of the thieves with him hanging upon another cross, and I begin to cry out and speak the words of the thief 1 " Lord, remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom " [Luke 23: 42] And the Saviour answereth and saith to the thief that is hanging " Go down from the cross and save him that is lying there, even as thou wast saved " And the thief came down from the cross and took me in his arms and kissed me, and stretching forth his right hand raised me up, saying, " Come to the Saviour " And straightway I rose up and ran to him, and I see him coming down from the Cross and saying to me, " Take this wood and keep it " And I took the same precious wood and lifted it up, and straightway I came to myself out of my trance, and from that same hour there was no more pain in me, neither is the place of the disease manifest. '

NOTES:

cast out. periegrapsen, in the sense of 'reject',
the sacred Skull. So, too, in Luke xxiii. 33 ton topon ton kaloumenon kranion; the more common designation is ' the place of the skull '.
the same precious wood. To auto timion zulon, perhaps for auto to t. z..,; the precious wood itself '.

8.

But I, when I had heard these things, marvelled exceedingly, and glorified God, who ever sheweth mercy unto them that call upon him, and much more unto them that truly and sincerely pray to him.

But from thenceforth I did more diligently serve the man (for I held him to be verily the servant of God) And when I had restored unto him all the things that I had brought, I abode with him, serving him and enjoying his spiritual conversation For he was verily a blameless man, very meek, pitiful, having also, if ever any man, skill to judge the Holy T4 Scripture and to resolve the hard questions therein (nay, neither was he lacking in outward learning), answering and stopping the mouths of unbelievers and heretics, a lover of the poor, compassionate, easily moved to tears, honouring old men as fathers, [cf 1 Tim 5:1] and young men as brethren, and little ones as his own children, behaving himself gently, and lowly in spirit and in speech, not for a pretence but in truth (for there was no guile in him [cf. John 1;47]), exceeding temperate, so that he was delivered utterly from all passions, knowing not anger, remembering not evil, letting not the sun go down upon his wrath, [cf Eph 4;26] having all his passions dead, save only that indignation which he stirred up against the enemies of the faith.

NOTES:

did more diligently serve. Perissoteron oikonomethen eis This seems to be the sense (through oikonomos in the sense of a steward); Mark became his ' familiar '.
outward learning. Tes exothn paideais the learning of this world.
in spirit and in speech. To ethos (character) kai ton logon (its expression in language), ouk en prospoiesei all' aletheia (the reading of H).
from all passion. See the note on c. 101

9.

Now when he had received from me the g money and the other things which I had brought, and sold the raiment and had made precious vessels out of the more part of the silver money, he gave away the remainder within a little time to them that were in need, not only in the holy city, but also in other cities and villages and monasteries, especially to them that are in Egypt; for the monasteries there were very poor. But to the strangers also that dwelt in the place he became a second Abraham [cf Gen 18.1] Thus it came to pass that in a very short time he gave away all his superfluity, so that he himself was in want of his daily food Therefore he applied himself unto the craft of the shoemaker, dressing and sewing hides, in all ways after the pattern T10 of that divine apostle, [cf 2 Thess 3:8] who would not eat bread for naught; and notwithstanding he could have earned his living from some other handicraft, yet he desired in all things to follow the example of the aforesaid glorious man, in afflictions and labours and persecutions and perils by sea and risings up of the heathen [cf 2 Cor 6:4; 11:26]. But I besought him to live with me in common (for I had a superfluity out of mine occupation), but he suffered it not, saying, ' We brought nothing into this world, neither can we carry anything out ' [1 Tim 6:7] And again he would say, ' If a man worketh not, neither shall he eat ' [2 Thess 3:10]. But I waxed bold, and said unto him, ' Wherefore then when thou hadst plenty didst thou not work nor suffer me to work ? ' And he answered me, ' That former work which I did w as greater by many times than that which I do now; for this present work sustaineth one or two, but the former did sustain countless numbers, and not only those multitudes, but did also provide spiritual sustenance for mine own soul '

NOTES:

precious vessels. Presumably church plate.
the monasteries there were very poor, but according to the Historia Lausiaca (ed. Butler, p. 30) Pambo told his steward Origenes to distribute Saint Melania's gifts of money in Libya and the islands, but not in the more wealthy Egypt (dia to euporoteran einai ten choran).
That former work. The point seems to be ' I did work then, and the work which I did then,' &c.

10.

Now these things being so, Praÿlius, who held the bishopric of the holy places, heard of the name and the life of the saintly Porphyry, and sending for him very instantly ordained him to the office of Elder, and moreover committed unto him the safe­keeping of the precious wood of the Cross. T11 Then did we know that those things had been fulfilled for him which he heard in his trance, when he beheld the Lord on the Cross and the robber with him, and the Master saying, ' Take this wood and keep it for me ' But the blessed Porphyry, when he received this ordination, was about forty and five years old But though he was deemed worthy of this honour, he changed not his former manner of life, but continued in mortification and affliction of the body, in fasting and watching [cf 2 Cor 6:5]. His food was foul bread and herbs, and these after the going down of the sun; but on the other holy days he ate at the sixth hour, partaking also of oil and cheese and steeped pulse; and he would take withal one cup of wine mixed with water, and this by reason of sickness in his bowels [Cf 1 Tim 5:23] This course and rule did he keep continually for all the days of his life.

NOTES:

Praÿlius, who held the bishopric. hierosunen, as in c. 4, of Porphyry as Bishop of Gaza. This appears to be a mistake. From 386 to about 407 the Bishop of Jerusalem was John; he was succeeded by Praÿlius. In c. 12 Mark still more definitely speaks of Praÿlius as ' bishop of Jerusalem '. It is possible that the words describing Praylius in c. 12 are a later addition by some one who knew that he became bishop of Jerusalem. Then by ' priest of the holy places ' Mark may mean chorepiscopus, suffragan. It seems unlikely that, writing about 420, Mark should have forgotten that Praÿlius only became bishop of Jerusalem about 417.
Porphyry was ordained presbyter in 392
wood of the Cross. This was preserved in a special oratory in the court behind the great basilica .
in mortification, &c. en te asketike kakopatheia.
after the going down of the sun. It was quite a usual practice-as for instance in the monasteries under the rule of Pachomius-to eat but once a day; but apparently the more ascetic form of the practice was to take the meal after sunset. So did Saint Antony of the Desert. And so did one Theodore (Vitae patrum, x. 154, Migne, lxxiii. 198) who boasted: 'Habeo viginti duo annos, ex quo praeterquam Sabbato et Dominico die nunquam me sol comedentem vidit.'
the other holy days. ' other ', deleted by Eberhard and Draeseke, is otiose but textually correct.
steeped pulse. Brekton osprion: see H. Gelzer, Leontios' von Neapolis Leben des h. Johannes (1893), index under osperon; cp. Palladius, Hist. Laus 1051l A (p. 48, ed. Butler): Macarius of Alexander is described as eating only raw vegetables and osprion brekton, where the variant reading ospridion is not recorded by Butler.

11.

Now after three years that he had been ordained, it falleth out that the bishop of the afore­mentioned city of Gaza passed away from this life; he was Aeneias, who was bishop for a very short time And before Aeneias was Irenion, who also himself hath become a fellow­citizen of the angelic powers, whose praises it is not possible to go aside from this matter and write, but a special treatise svere necessary to describe in order the life of the said glorious Irenion, and we leave it for other writers who have full knowledge of his life when therefore the afore­mentioned holy T12 man had been laid to sleep, they who were then Christians, being few and easily to be numbered, were gathered together with the clergy, and took counsel for certain days into w hose hands they should commit the bishopric, but achieved nothing; for contention prevailed among them, some desiring some of the clergy, and others some of the lay­folk; for in sooth among the lay­folk also there were some of honourable and holy life When therefore there arose a great confusion and the matter went nothing forward, at last they agreed that five of the clergy and as many of the notable lay­folk should go out to the metropolitan high­priest and ask of him a bishop, whomsoever the Holy Ghost might reveal unto him.

NOTES:

Aeneias died at the end of 394 or beginning of 395~
Irenion died about 393. He is given in the Martyrologium Romanum on Dec. 16: Gazae in Palaestina sancti Irenionis Episeopi (ed. 1873, p. 187).
angelic powers. On the claim of the monk to the angelic politeiaa see Usener, Der heilige Theodosios, p. 121 f.
of honourable and holy life. Bio kai semnoteti kekosmemenoi
the metropolitan high­priest. that is, the Archbishop of Caesarea, the metropolitan church of Gaza.

12.

Now he that held the high­priesthood at that time was John, who also was a man of good repute and adorned with all virtue. When therefore the Gazaeans came unto him, they besought him to give them a priest which should be able by deeds and by speech to withstand the idolaters. And when he had heard them he straightway proclaimed a fast, and after three days the Lord revealed to him concerning the blessed Porphyry; and he writeth a letter to the afore­mentioned holy Praÿlius, the bishop of Jerusalem, to send the blessed Porphyry to him, because of a certain question concerning the Scripture which was required to be explained by him. For the blessed man was skilful to explain everything that was accounted difficult in the Holy Scripture, and this power he had by the grace of the Holy Ghost. And Praÿlius, beloved of God, putting faith in the writing T13 of the blessed John, sent Porphyry away, enjoining him that he should not tarry more than seven days.

NOTES:

John died before 404 and was followed by Eulogius, who presided in 415 at the synod of Diospolis. He had succeeded Gelasius, who had succeeded Euzoius, who was expelled under Theodosius I; Lequien, Oriens Christ. iii. 561­3
bishop of Jerusalem. See Usener, Leg. d. heil. Pelagia, p. 33; the use of bishop, not archbishop, corresponds to the conditions before the year 451, after which the synod of Chalcedon granted the higher title (J. Gildemeister, Scta S. Pelagiae (1879), p 2)

13.

But when the blessed Porphyry heard the signification of the letter that was written by the most holy John, at first he was troubled, but afterward he said: ' The will of God be done.' And having called me to him on that evening he saith to me: ' Brother Mark, let us go and worship the holy places and the precious Cross; for much time shall pass away before we shall worship them again.' And I said: ' Wherefore sayest thou thus, Father ? ' And he answered and said: ' Yesternight I beheld the Saviour, saying unto me, " That which I committed unto thy trust restore thou again. For I desire thee to be joined unto a woman who is lowly indeed but virtuous. Do thou take her and adorn her, that she may forget her former poverty. For though she chance to be lowly, yet is she not a stranger unto me, but mine own sister. But do thou watch carefully lest, having a wife and taking care of thine house, thou bring therein aught of injustice or violence or unlawfulness: for thou wilt both kindle my wrath and grieve her; for she also hath no pleasure in such things. But do thou only have a goodly zeal, and all things shall be provided unto thee from ~s hence thou hast no expectation." These things did my Master Christ reveal unto me yesternight, and I fear lest, desiring in some way to make atonement for mine own Tl4 sins, atonement for the sins of many others also be laid upon me. Nevertheless it is not possible to gainsay the will of God.'

NOTES:

bring therein, &c. me . . .ex adikias e bias h paranomias sunagages. The sense of the last word is obscure; but it seems to mean ' to bring (into the house, as a concubine) along with (the legitimate wife) '. Or there may be a reminiscence of some such prohibition as the third canon of the Nicene CouncilCOUDCil, forbidding the clergy to have ' spiritual sisters ' living with them:

14.

Having said this he went forth, and I with him, and when we had worshipped the holy places and the precious Cross, and he had prayed and wept much, he placed in the golden coffer the precious and life­giving Cross and made it fast, and went forth; and going to the blessed Pra~iliusn the bishop, he committed unto him the keys, and having received from him a blessing, and a commendation unto God, he went forth. So coming to our lodging, we make ourselves ready. And having hired three beasts, and taking provision for the journey, we went forth; but the pro risions were all that was in the house. And there were five of us on the journey, the b]essed man himself and I and two ass­drivers, and another young servant, called Barochas: whom the blessed man a little time before found in the street, cast out and in the uttermost peril, and taking him up he received him into his house, and having spent much upon him, by the help of Christ he made him whole. Thereafter, then, he abode with him, serving him with me. But the things which happened to the God­fearing Barochas I will declare as my story proceedeth.

Now having journeyed on that lay, on the next we came to Caesarea. But our presence was bruited abroad through all the city; for the blessed man was well known because he loved the poor. And we went to the inn that was there.

NOTES:

Barochas. Apparently the same as Baruch (hebrew: BR'CH) = Blessed.
on that day. March 16, 395.

15.

T15 But when the blessed John, the archbishop, heard it, he came running to us, and having greeted each other and prayed a little, they sate down. And the archbishop said unto him: ' Rise up, Brother, for the Lord's sake, and take food with me, that speedily we may rise up to keep the vigil of the Holy Day.' For we had entered on the evening of the Sabbath. But the blessed Porphyry besought him to let him go for the evening, by reason of his weariness after the journey; and he said that after his first sleep he would rise up to keep the vigil. But when the archbishop would not be persuaded, the blessed man rose up and went forth with him, taking also me (for we left brother Barochas in the inn with our cloaks); and at his exhortation we did sup. And having conversed much concerning things spiritual, and slept a little, we rose up to keep the vigil.

16.

But in that night the blessed John sendeth for the Gazaeans and saith unto them: ' Ye shall be ready to come forth; for to­day ye receive your priest, the man whom the Lord hath shown, without blame, beloved of God, boiling over with the faith.' And when it was morning they seized the blessed man and ordained him bishop of Gaza. But he wept much, and would not be satisfied of his tears; for he said that he was unworthy of such a priesthood. And being with difficulty comforted by the Gazaeans and the Christians which were there, he held his peace. And when we had performed the sacred office of T16 the Lord's Day, we were again bidden to taste food with the archbishop.

NOTES:

when it was morning. This was Sunday, March 18, 395. Mark, however, appears to reckon Porphyry's tenure of the see from his entry into Gaza on the next Wednesday (see p. 112, C. 103).
ordained him bishop. echeirotonesan episkopon. The word is used both of the people and of the clergy for electing to a dignity, creating. But for the bishop the word is cheirothetein, the laying on of hands.

17.

But he enjoined us to depart with all speed, and when we had spent one other day we departed. And we slept at Diospolis, and thence we came late at night and slowly into Gaza, being exceeding weary and afflicted. And the cause of the affliction was this. Hard by Gaza there are villages beside the road which are given to the madness of idols. So the dwellers in these villages agreed together and strewed all the road with thorns and prickles, so that one could not pass by, and poured out filth, and made smoke of other evil­smelling things, so that we were choked by the stench and went in peril of being blinded. Hardly escaping therefore, about the third hour of the night we entered int o the city. Now this vexation was caused to the blessed man by a visitation of demons; but it vexed him not, for he knew it to be an ambush of the devil, because he desired to turn away the just man from his entering in.

NOTES:

we departed. March 20, 395. The reason for haste was that they should be at Gaza for Easter (March 25).
we entered into the city. March 21, 395.

18.

So we went to the bishop's house, which was founded by the afore­named saint Irenion, the bishop, together with the holy church that is called Irene (Peace). Concerning the occasion whereby it received its name there be two tales. For the people of Gaza say that when the city was taken by Alexander the Macedonian, the war by a certain covenant was there brought to an end, whence the place was called Peace. This place the blessed Irenion found to be held in honour by the Gazaeans, and therein founded T17 the church. So whether for the said reason or because of the name of the founder, it hath continued to be so called until the present time. Thither then went we, unto the bishop's house founded by him, the which was passing small.

NOTES:

was taken. Alexander besieged Gaza for two months in 332 B.C. on his way into Egypt.
whether for the said reason, &c. There was a Church of Peace at Byzantium at the beginning of the fourth century; and the church of Hippo bore the same name in 393 (Duchesne, Early History of the Christian Church, Eng. ed. 1912, ii, p. 67). The name was not an unnatural one to give to a Christian place of prayer founded after the close of the Great Persecution.

19.

But in that year it fell out that there was a drought, and all they of the city imputed the thing to the coming of the blessed man, saying that ' It was revealed unto us by Marnas that the feet of Porphyry bring bad luck to the city '. But when God continued to send no rain through the first month, which they call Dios, and also through the second, which is Apellaios, they were all afflicted. And they of the idol­madness gathered together in the Marneion, and made many sacrifices and prayers for this matter; for they said that Marnas was lord of the rains (and they say that Marnas is Zeus). And they continued seven days saying hymns and going forth without the city to a place called the Place of Prayer, but they returned again unto their own works, cast down in spirit, having achieved naught. After this had so fallen out, the Christians came together, with men, women, and children, to the number of two hundred and four score, and besought the holy Porphyry to come forth with them to the Place of Prayer and make supplication that the rains might be sent down (for there was already a famine), and they besought him the more because the people imputed the drought to the coming of the blessed man.

NOTES:

feet . . . bring bad luck. Kakopodinos estin the opposite of 'Agathopous, , boni pedis homo, on which see R. Herzog in Philologus, lvi (1897), p. 46. The same idea was contained in the English ' first foot ', the person who first enters a house after the beginning of the new year.
continued to send no rain. From the end of October 395 to January 3, 396.
first month, which they call Dios. The Gazaean year consisted of twelve months bearing the same names as in the Syromacedonian calendar, and counting thirty days in each. The first day of their year was our 28th of October. There were also five intercalary days (six in every fifth year) which were intercalated between Loös and Gorpiaios, the tenth and eleventh months. We thus get the following correspondences, in ordinary years:
October 28=Dios I.
November 27 =Apellaios I .
December 27=Audynaios I.
January 26=Peritios I.
February 2s=Dystros I.
March 27=Xanthikos I.
April 26=Artemisios I
May 26=Daisios I.
June 25 = Panemos I .
July 25 = Loos I .
August 23=Loos 30.
August 24­8=intercalary days.
August 29 = Gorpiaios I,
September 28=Hyperberetaios I,
Marnas. Mazochi saw long ago that this passage does not imply that the name Marnas means ' raingod '. At the same time he points out that the Hebrew moreh (,~8112) means 'rain' (Joel ii. 23); the resemblance in sound may have suggested that Marnas was a rain­god. The generally accepted interpretation-given by Mazochi himself-connects the name with the Syrian Marna = 'Lord '. But its origin, as I have tried to indicate elsewhere, is probably western (' Some Palestinian Cults ', Proc. Brit. Acad. v; and the Introduction to this volume, p. xxxii) .
Place of Prayer. proseuches. proseucha is the word used by Juvenal (iii. 296) for a place of prayer belonging to some despicable sect, probably either the Jewish or the Christian. It was probably a common term for such places, whether Jewish or Pagan or Christian (cp. c. 60); and there is no ground for Mazochi's theory that the place mentioned by Mark was necessarily a Jewish, or a Pagan praying­place modelled on a Jewish one. In Egypt, it is true, the term meant a Jewish synagogue: see Mitteis u. Wilcken, Grunizinge u. Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I. i, p. 112

20.

So the holy man was persuaded, and having T18 proclaimed a fast he bade them all to be gathered together at even in the holy church, that we might keep the vigil there. And we made through the whole night thirty prayers and as many bendings of the knee, besides singing and the readings. And when it was morning, taking the sign of the precious Cross to go before us, we went out with hymns to the ancient church that is in the west of the city, which they say was founded by the most holy and blessed Asclepas, the bishop, who suffered many persecutions for the true faith; whose life and works are written in the Paradise of delight. So when we had come to the said church, we made as many prayers there also, and departing thence we went to the holy shrine of the glorious martyr Timotheus, wherein are laid also other relics of Maiour the martyr and Theë the confessor, and having there made as many prayers and bendings of the knee we returned again unto the city, having made on the way three prayers and three bendings of the knee. But coming nigh unto the city we found it shut (it was the ninth hour); for the idol­madmen did this, desiring to scatter the people abroad, in order that we might not fulfil our supplication. But when we had abode two hours before the gate, and there was none to open to us, God seeing the patience of the people and the groans and the untold tears, especially of the holy man, is moved with compassion, as in the time of the mighty Elias the prophet, [[3] Kings 18:45] T19 and stirreth up a south wind, and the heaven is covered with clouds, and lightnings and thunders begin with the going down of the sun, and a great rain descendeth, so that it seemeth to be not drops of water but hail descending from heaven. But we for our much joy scarce felt it; for we had fallen upon each other's necks.

NOTES:

sign of the precious Cross. semeion. Mark is careful to use this word or ektupoma (c. 77), in order to distinguish the object from the true Cross. Duchesne (Early History of the Christian Church, Eng. ed. 1912, ii, p. 64 note) remarks that Eusebius uses the same word ' sign ' of the supposed actual true Cross which was worshipped at Jerusalem, perhaps because he doubted its authenticity.
Asclepas. Also called Asclepius. See Introduction, p. xxv.
the Paradise of delight. Gen iii. 23 Compare the ' paradise of delights ' in Saint John Chrysostom's prayer for the faithful departed in the Syro­Jacobite liturgy (J. M. Neale, Liturgies of St. Mark, &c., 1869) p 253); ' the garden of delight ' (Marquess of Bute, The Coptic Morning Service,1 882) p. 98); and the inverted phrase in the liturgy of Saint James and in various forms of the Greek burial service (en truphe Paradeisou kataskenosan).
Timotheus. See Introduction, p. xx. {above}
ninth hour. About 2.30 p.m.
two hours. That is, until about 4.10 p.m.
going down of the sun. About 5 p.m.

21.

But certain of the Greeks, when they beheld what marvellous works God wrought for us, believed and opened the gate and mingled with us, crying out: ' Christ alone is God, he alone hath conquered.' And they came together with us to the holy church; and thence the blessed man let them depart in peace, having sealed them with the seal of Christ. They were in number one hundred and twenty and seven, being men seventy­eight, and women thirty­five, and children fourteen, of which five were maidens. And we, when we had offered the perfect sacrifice of thanksgiving, returned each man in joy and peace unto his own place. But so mighty a rain descended in that night and on the next day that all men were afraid lest houses should fall in; for the more part of them were made of unbaked bricks. And our Lord Jesus Christ caused the rain to continue unceasingly from the eighth day of Audynaios until the tenth Now Audynaios with them is the month of January according to the Romans, but their months are earlier by five days than the Roman months And on the eleventh we celebrated the day of the Theophany of our Master Jesus Christ with joy, singing hymns T20 and giving thanks for all the things that his loving­kindness had wrought for us And there were added unto the fold of Christ in this same year, over and above the hundred and twenty and seven, other one hundred and five.

But they of the idol­madness ceased not to lie in wait for the blessed man and the other Christians. For whensoever they could find a governor that w as a Greek, they secretly persuaded him, either with money, or through their godless religion, to distress the Christians, so that the most blessed man suffered no common affliction therefrom Therefore he prayed continually night and day unto the merciful God that he might turn them from he error of their ways unto his own truth.

NOTES:

sealed . sphragisas te tou Xr. sphragidi This is the word used for the preliminary signing of the converts with the sign of the Cross. They then became catechumens, and after due instruction were baptized (cp. c. 3I). But it must be remembered that the words sphragigis, sphragizein are also used by other writers in connexion with the actual baptismal ceremony.
sacrifice of thanksgiving. eucharsitian
from the eighth day of Julynaios. i.e. from January 3­5, 396.
earlier by five days. Not always; see note on C 19.
Theophany. That is, the Epiphany, January 6.
find. Lit. lay their hands on. See Gelzer, Leontios' von Neapolis Leben des h. Johannes, index, s.v drassomai.

22.

Now since I have made mention above of the blessed Barochas, I will relate the rest of the story concerning him This man, if any, was possessed of godly zeal; for he suffered many hard things from the idolaters For once he went out to a village not far from the city, on account of a certain payment to the church. Now he that owed the payment was an idolater, and when he was asked for payment he sought to tarry and put off the matter; but the God­fearing Barochas would not suffer him. Thereupon strife arose between them, and the wicked husbandman calleth certain fellow villagers like unto himself, and they begin to beat the blessed Barochas with clubs; and taking him up half dead they cast him forth T21 out of the village into a desert place; and he lay there without speech or sense But on the next day, by the mercy of God, there passeth through that place Cornelius the deacon with other two Christians, and finding Barochas, beloved of God, they knew him and took him up and bare him into the city.

NOTES:

payment to the church. ekklesiastikou kanonos. The Moscow Metaphrasis uses siteresiou instead of the second word. It is clear that the churches in Palestine at this time were landowners (their estates being managed by the oikonomoi: see c. 95 and Gelzer, Leontios' von Neapolis Leben les h. Johannes, p. 121) and that their tenants were not necessarily Christians. The collectors of these canons were called canonicarii.

23.

But when they of the idol­madness saw him being carried, supposing him to be a corpse, they fell into a frenzy, because it was accounted pollution to bring a corpse into the city; and snatching him from the shoulders of them who bare him, they begin to beat the deacon Cornelius, beloved of God, and the two Christians; and fastening a rope to the foot of the blessed Barochas they dragged him along. In the meanwhile certain of the brethren come and tell the blessed bishop, and he being troubled calleth me and other three brethren who are present with him, and saith unto us: ' Take courage, Brethren, and run; for the occasion to bear witness is at hand.' Now when re had come to the place where they had bound the blessed man, the multitude ran together, and some spake despitefully of the most holy bishop; but others, seeing his patience, how, when men spake despitefully of him, he waxed not wroth, but did on the contrary exhort every man, saying that they should not thus defile and insult a body of like nature to their own, these others come over to our side; and so they turn against each other, even to blows. But we, seeing that there was much confusion, T22 took up Barochas, beloved of God, and went back into the holy church. And seeing that there was still breath in him, we gave him tendance.

24.

And all the evening and the night there was instant prayer over him; for all the brethren were gathered together. And the holy bishop ceased not from weeping and praying unto God for him; for he knew how godly a zeal he had. But when God saw the tears of the holy priest, and the entreaties of the people (for they held him to be a second Phineas against the idolaters [Num 25:11]), he quickened his mercy towards him, and in that night he openeth his eyes, and beginneth to speak, and to ask that drink be given to him. But I, who sate beside him, straightway ran to tell the blessed bishop; for by reason of my great joy I forgat to give him the drink; even as happened [Acts 12;14] to the maid with the blessed apostle Peter, when, hearing the voice of Saint Peter, for joy she opened not the door but left him there and first vent and told them who were in the house. Somewhat after this manner was it also with me. But when the blessed bishop heard it, he was not moved by affection but continued steadfast in prayer; and we perceiving his firmness and immovableness left him, and went away, I and the deacon Cornelius, beloved of God; for he was sitting T24 with me beside the blessed Barochas. But when the most holy bishop had ended his prayers and the whole office, he also came and sate with us, and questioned the God­fearing Barochas how it had happened to him from the beginning, and he told us all things in order.

NOTES:

by affection. Hupo tou pathous in the general sense, of emotion. But it may also have something of the other meaning of the word, ' accident ' or unexpected development.
office. Akolouthian.

25.

Now while we were taking counsel what should be done, the day dawneth; and lo ! the public advocate with the guardians of the peace and the two chief councillors, Timotheus and Epiphanius, and many others come and begin to cry out against us and make a tumult, saying: ' Why brought ye a corpse into the city, seeing that the laws of our fathers forbid this P ' And at the same time they spake despitefully of the blessed bishop. But we, hearing the tumult, came out, and seeing us they begin to beat me and Cornelius the deacon, beloved of God. But when we protested, calling the public officers to witness, the most holy bishop restrained us, exhorting and admonishing every one, that we should not be thus wroth without reason. But the godless men, the more they were exhorted, the more mad did they become, and spake despitefully of the holy man. So the tumult continued; but Barochas, beloved of God, is strengthened and filled with godly zeal, and riseth up and snatcheth a piece of wood, and beginneth to smite the bystanders; and fear falleth upon them all, and they begin to fall over each other in flight; and he continued T24 pursuing them as far as the temple of Marnas that then was; and so our new Samson returneth again, having won a great victory, and himself laid low a thousand of the Gentiles. From that time therefore they of the idolmadness feared him, and could not endure to hear his name.

Now after a little time we were accounted worthy to be ordained deacons, I and Barochas, beloved of God, I indeed being greatly unworthy, but he full worthily and justly receiving this gift.

NOTES:

public advocate. demekdikon generally assumed to be the same as the official otherwise called ekdikos tes poleos, , defensor civitatil; ' des Raths und gemeiner Bürgerschaft Schirmvogt '(Draeseke), These officials are first heard of in the Augustan age, when they act as intermediaries between the government and the cities. They were elected by the citizens and confirmed by the praefeetul praetorio. They held office for two years and had jurisdiction in ordinary crimes and civil cases under 300 aurei. They are to be distinguished from the permanent sundikoi (Philippi in Rhein Mus. viii. 508; art. ekdikos in Pauly­Wissowa Kroll, Realencyel.; and cp. L. Mitteis u. V. Wilcken, Grundzüge u. Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I. i, p. 81). The Church had representatives called ekklesiekdikoi (Gelzer, op. cit. p. 122), whose duties were connected with church-discipline. It seems uncertain whether the demekdikon is quite the same as the ekidikos tes poleos; he may possibly be a representative of the demos as distinct from the boule.
guardians of the peace. eirenarchon "Irenarchae quoque, qui disciplinae publicae et corrigendis moribus praeficiuntur,' Dig. 1. 4. 18. Cp. M. Gelzer, Studien zur byz. Verwaltung Ägyptens
councillors. proteuonton. The Egyptian papyri provide some evidence about the corresponding authorities in Egyptian communities; in the villages the title proteuonton is, however, less commonly employed than protokometai Their special function was to act as local taxation authorities, but also, it would seem, they were responsible for the government of the village. They formed a koinotes, a sort of ' parish council ', with an acting committee called the komarchai. Thus in Pap. Cairo 67006 recto, 3, the proteuontes wish to impose on a woman state­services to which she is not liable; in Pap. Lond. 1073, the comes of Arcadia is asked to instruct the protokometai to protect some persons engaged in building. In the case of a city with a boule, the term proteuontes, according to Maspero, is sometimes used for the bouletai or decurions. See Mitteis u. Wilcken, op. cit. I. i, p. 84; Maspero in Bull. de l'Inst. franc. d'Archeologie orientale, vi, p. 4z; and, for older evidence, Ducange, Gloss. Graec.
In this biography the term appears again in c. 27 and in c. 95. In the latter instance Sampsychus is supported by ' the rest of the council '; but in the former Mark speaks as if there were no more than three proteouontes altogether. It is possible then that he uses the word in a sense corresponding to the Egyptian komarchai, as a committee of the council.

26.

But the saint Porphyry, seeing the unlawful things that were done daily by the idolaters, taketh counsel with himself to send me unto Byzantium to ask the Emperors that the temples of the idols be destroyed. For they still gave oracles in Gaza, especially that which was called the Marneion. And having indited letters to the most saintly and holy John, who was at that time bishop of Constantinople, whose glory and praise is remembered of all men, he sent me away in a ship, and after twenty days we arrived, and having delivered the letters to the blessed John I explained unto him the whole matter by word of mouth. And straightway, when he had heard it, he declared it unto Eutropius the chamberlain, who at that time prevailed greatly with the Emperor Arcadius. And when he had read unto him the letter of the blessed bishop and asked of him to be favourable unto that which was written therein, he took his leave of him and came forth, and saith unto me: ' Have patience, my child; for I hope in our Master Christ that he will show mercy unto us as he T25 is wont.'

NOTES:

John, who was at that time bishop of Constantinople. Saint John Chrysostom was consecrated February 26, 398. On July 27 of the same year Eutropius quarrelled with him, and carried a law depriving the churches of the right of asylum. Mark's visit therefore falls between February 26 and July 27, 398. According to Theodoret (Hist. Eccl. v. 29), John showed special zeal against heathen temples in Phoenicia, procuring decrees from the Emperor and subscriptions to the campaign from wealthy and pious ladies.
Eutropius the chamberlain. The eunuch Flavius Eutropius, pratpositus sacri cubiculi and patricius, who was in 399 consul (the first of his kind to attain this dignity) with Manlius Theodorus. He was in the same year deposed by the party of Gainas and beheaded at Chalcedon. Zosimus (v. I2. I) says that he ruled the weak Arcadius as if he were a beast of the field (kathaper boskematos).

27.

And I ceased not daily to remind him, and he would send and importune Eutropius. And after seven days there is uttered a divine decree that the temples of the idols in the city of the Gazaeans should be shut and no longer give oracles. And a certain Hilarius, an adjutant of the Master of the Offices, is entrusted with this ordinance. And I after three days set sail from Byzantium, and come in ten days unto the city of the Gazaeans, seven days before the coming of Hilarius. And I found the most holy Porphyry sick. But when I gave him the answer of the most blessed John, the bishop of Constantinople, and read it unto him, he was filled with joy, and the fever left him and he was cured. But he said that the sickness had taken him by reason of the much affliction wherewith the idolaters afflicted him. Now after seven days cometh the said Hilarius, having two officers of the consular court and many guards out of Azotus and Ascalon, and all the pomp of office. And straightway he seized the three councillors of the city and took sureties from them and declared unto them the divine decree, which commanded that the temples of the idols in the city of Gaza should be shut up on pain of the death of the chief men of the same city; and he overturned all the idols in them and shut them up. But the temple of Marnas he suffered secretly to give oracles; for he T26 received therefor a great sum of money. And they of the idol­madness began again to do unlawful things, as they were wont.

NOTES:

adjutant of the Master of the Offices. soubadiouba, subadiuva. The Magister Officiorum had as his assistants an adiutor and a subadiuva adiutoris. On the Master of the Offices and his functions see Cassiodorus Far, vi. 6 (Hodgkin, Letters of Cassiodorus, p. 30z).
One Hilarius, possibly the same man, was governor of Palestine about 387.
O,ffliScers of the consular court. Komentaresious tes upatikes. These commentarienses were officers of the governor's court, who received the formal charge against an accused person, and were responsible for securing him, bringing him before the judge, keeping the records of the trial, and finally seeing that sentence was executed.
For the ' consulars ', see note on c. 50.
councillors of the city. See note on c. 25

28.

Now it falleth out that another marvellous thing cometh to pass, calling many to come to the knowledge of the truth. For God, being compassionate, findeth occasions to turn the race of men unto his light that enlighteneth the mind. The thing that happened was on this wise. A certain lady of the notable people of the city, called Aelias, being about to give birth to a child, fell into great peril; and the cause of the peril was this. Her child came not forth after the natural manner, but was turned aside contrary to nature, and having put forth one hand the rest of his body could not be delivered; for it lay crosswise in the womb and the midwives availed not to move it into the natural place. But the pain that was upon the woman was unspeakable, since in the throes of her travail she sought to bring forth the child; and her labours increased the more when the second day followed after the first; and the third day likewise was more painful than the second. And her labours endured unto seven days, the evil being ever increased. But the physicians also desired to cut the child out of her, and when they beheld how her strength was fallen away, they despaired of her life. Her parents, therefore, and her husband T27 Heros, being superstitious, offered up sacrifice each day for her, and they brought in also enchanters and soothsayers, thinking to profit her thereby, but accomplished naught.

NOTES:

that enlighteneth the mind. Eis to noeton outo phos, as distinct from the light perceived by the physical eye.
Aelias. The text is Ailías; the Moscow Metaphrasis has Aliás. This is an unusual form for a female name; but for that very reason it is improbable that it should be a corruption of Ailia so common a name. It is just possible that onomati Ailías be a construction analogous to the English ' by the name of Aelia ', though I can give no parallels from Greek. But the Moscow Metaphrast evidently understood Ailiás as a nominative.
since . . . the child. Town kata horan odinon to brphos othouson.

29.

Now she had a nurse that was a believer, who being exceeding grieved made petitions for her in the houses of prayer. So on a certain day when she was praying in the church with tears, there came in Saint Porphyry about the ninth hour, and I with him. And he seeth the old woman in great affliction, praying unto God with tears, and standing still he inquired after the reason. And she looking upon him fell at his feet, beseeching him to pray unto Christ for her. And when the saint knew the cause of the woman's grief, he himself wept; for he was exceeding compassionate. And he saith to the nurse: ' I hear concerning that house that it is idolatrous, and can hardly be saved; but, nevertheless, to God all things are possible; for he findeth occasion to save them which are about to perish. Depart, therefore, and gather together all her kinsfolk and her parents and her husband, and say unto them: " Seeing that there is here an excellent physician who can cure her, if he cause her to escape from this peril, what reward will ye give him ? " And they will of a surety promise thee many things. Then say unto them this also: " If he cure her, give me your word withal that ye will not turn aside from him nor depart from him unto another." Cause them all to lift up their hands to heaven and give their word that they will perform all the things that they have promised. And when they T28 have done this, say unto the woman that travaileth before them all: " Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, healeth thee; believe on him and live." '

NOTES:

inquired after the reason. The Moscow Metaphrasis has ' although he was not ignorant of the reason, yet he inquired '. The addition is characteristic of the later writer's idea of necessary improvements to Mark's sincerer narrative. Mark implies immediately afterwards that the saint did not know the cause.
for her. i. e. for her mistress.

30.

So when the old woman had heard the words of the blessed bishop, and he had commended her unto God, she ran to the house, and finding them all weeping and the woman in uttermost peril, she exhorted her parents and her husband to be of good courage, and said unto them that ' An excellent physician sent me unto you, that ye may give me your word that if she be cured ye will not deny him.' And when her parents and her husband heard it they said: ' If he wish to take all our possessions, we shall not withhold them, only let us see our daughter live.' And the nurse said: ' Lift up your hands unto heaven, and give me this promise that ye will not deny the physician.' And they eagerly and with tears lifted up their hands, saying that ' Nay, all that is ours shall be his all the days of our life; for what comfort shall we have if she die ? ' For she was their only child, and fair and pleasant in her ways above all others. But the nurse, when she heard their words, said with a loud voice before them all: ' Thus saith the great priest Porphyry: " Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, healeth thee; believe on him and live." ' And straightway the woman shrieked aloud, and brought forth the child alive.

31.

And all they that were there were astonied, and cried out: ' Great is the God of the Christians; great is the priest Porphyry.' And on the next day the parents of the T29 woman and her husband and all her family and kinsfolk went unto the blessed Porphyry and fell at his feet, asking to be sealed in Christ. And the blessed man having sealed them and made them catechumens sent them away in peace, exhorting them to make attendance in holy church; and after a little time, when he had instructed them, he baptized them, together with the woman and the child. And they called his name Porphyry. And they that were enlightened through the occasion of this woman were in number sixty and four.

NOTES:

make attendance in holy church. scholazein, i. e. to go constantly to receive instruction previous to baptism.
and the child. Reading to brephei with H, instead of to brephos.
enlightened. Possibly­ here used only in the general sense of ' converted ', but often, as in cc. 47, 74, for ' baptized '.

32.

But they of the idol­madness, the more they saw the Christians increasing in numbers, the more wroth did they become, and suffered them not to hold any civil office, but entreated them as naughty slaves. And the blessed Porphyry, seeing again the great wrong that was done to the Christians and enduring it not, beholding how despitefully they were entreated, departeth to Caesarea unto the blessed John, the archbishop, and beseecheth him with tears to let him go; for he said he could no longer bear the outrageous things that were done by the Gazaeans. But when the blessed John heard it he exhorted him to be of a stout heart and not to forsake the bishopric.

NOTES:

departeth to Caesarea. September 401.

33.

And the most holy Porphyry answered and said unto him: ' I call thee to witness before the unseen God, and by our hope which is Jesus Christ the Lord of all creations and the Holy Ghost which we worship and which giveth life to all things, neglect not my petition, that the destruction of countless souls be not imputed unto us. But I pray thee, Father, to take ship with me unto the Imperial City, that we may petition the Emperors, if the King of Heaven consent, T30 to overturn the temples of the idols.' But the blessed John said unto him: ' My son, thy prayer is just, but the time is not fitting, for the season groweth worse towards the winter solstice.' And the blessed Porphyry answered: ' If God will that we should be saved and convert the multitudes of Gaza, he is able to preserve us even in winter. But do thou, Father, take courage in his mercy and be willing, and we shall have a fair voyage.' The blessed John saith unto him: ' The will of Christ be done.'

NOTES:

I call thee to witness before the unseen God. Reading martúromai se with H, for marturoumai se.
for the season. H gar cheimerois trope loipon epilampanetai, the winter solstice is yet to come, the weather is getting worse. Nuth quotes Friedlander, Sittengesch. ii5, p. 20 sq., showing that from November 11 to March 5 practically all navigation ceased.

34.

So the blessed Porphyry, having taken his commands, writeth to me to come with all speed to Caesarea and to bring with me three books and three and forty pieces of money, the which chanced to remain over from the revenues of the holy church. And I, having received his letter, took the books and the money and straightway departed, and coming to Caesarea I found the most holy bishops making ready for the voyage; and after two days we put to sea and sailed on the twenty­eighth day of Gorpiaios (which is according to the Romans the twenty­third of September), and by the mercy of Christ making a fair voyage after ten days we put in at the island of Rhodes.

Now there was then in the island, living solitary in the remote parts thereof, a man named Procopius, who is now numbered with the angels; for he fell asleep five years ago, having lived a blameless life in fasting and watching and utter poverty. He had also the gift of prophecy and the power of T31 casting out devils. So when we had put in at Rhodes, as hath been said, and heard tell of the manner of life of the holy man, we held it necessary not to pass him by, but to enjoy his angelic company; and having inquired where he had his abode we journeyed unto him, sailing along the coast in a small boat, and came and knocked at his door. And he straightway came forth himself and opened to us, albeit he had with him another, a disciple.

NOTES:

pieces of money. nomismata, gold solidi (of normally 4­55 grammes), 43 of which would be equivalent in weight to about 24g English sovereigns.
straightway departed. September 22, 40I.
the twenty­eighth day of Gorpiaios. September. According to Nuth, H reads hemera ogdoe kai eikadi Gorpiaiou kata de Romaious Septembrio (sic) eikadi trite. The other manuscripts omit the words here given in heavy type; Henschen conjectured Peritiou for trite, with the result that the whole chronology was thrown out until the right reading was restored by Nuth from H. At the same time, Nuth argues that trite should be pempte. Mark has applied his rule that the Gazaean calendar is five days in advance of the Roman to all months, whereas it is only true of January and April; in the other months the advance is only three or four days.
They set sail therefore on September 25, 401, and arrived at Rhodes about October 6.
five years ago. That is, in 415 or 416, for this life was doubtless written in 420 or 421. {NB> Not according to Gregoire!}

35.

But when he beheld the most holy bishops, he fell upon his face and worshipped them; then rising up he kissed me also and the God­fearing Eusebius the deacon, whom the holy John the archbishop brought with him. And leading us into the place of prayer he went behind us, giving the foremost place to the most blessed bishops, saying: ' It is fitting that ye, being priests, should have the foremost place, and I, being lowly and not even thought worthy of ordination, the hindmost.' Then knew we that the most holy Procopius possessed the gift of vision; for albeit he had never beheld us nor heard concerning us, he knew by the spirit that the most blessed John and Porphyry were bishops; therefore gave he to them the ho1lour of the first place at prayer. Then after the prayer we sate down, and when he had spoken with us of many things profitable to our souls, he inquired of the reason of our travelling. And the blessed Porphyry related to him all things concerning the Gazaeans, how madly they are given unto idols, and how many terrible things the Christians suffer from them, and that for this reason they are going up to pray the Emperor that the temples of the idols may be overturned.

NOTES:

the most blessed John and Porphyry. Mark uses the circumlocution hoi peri tous m. I k. P. 'the company of the most blessed,' &c.; but obviously it cannot include the whole company, unless ' kai diakonooi ' has fallen out.
travelling. Ton skulmou a word, like our own ' travel ', expressing the hardship of voyaging; Cp. CC. 37, 40

36.

T32 But when Saint Procopius, the anchorite, heard it he wept and said: ' Lord Jesus Christ, turn thy servants from the deceits of the devil unto the light of thy faith.' Then saith he to the most holy bishops: ' Be not discouraged, Fathers; for God, who knoweth the zeal of your faith, will prosper your way and give you all the desires of your hearts. Hearken, therefore, while I counsel you as the Lord hath revealed it unto my lowliness. When ye come up to Byzantium, join yourselves first to the most holy bishop John, and make petition with him unto God, did impart the matter unto him; and he also himself will counsel you according as the Lord revealeth it unto him. For he cannot have speech in the Palace, seeing that the Empress Eudoxia is wroth with him. He therefore commendeth you unto Amantius, the chamberlain of the Lady, a man that feareth God and honoureth the habit of the priests; and he bringeth you in to the Empress, and w hen y e go in to her she will receive you kindly. Impart then unto her the whole matter and take your commands of her and go forth. And when ye come before her the second time, after ye have reminded her of the matter, say unto her that "We hope in Christ the Son of God,, if thou art zealous in the present matter, that he will give thee a male child." And when she heareth this, T33 she will be exceeding joyful (for she is great with child, and this is the ninth month since she conceived) and she will do all things that she may accomplish the matter for you, if God will.'

NOTES:

Almantius. Probably the same man who was afterwards the favourite of Theodosius II (Nuth, p 29 note).

37.

And we having heard the words of the holy man and believed on that which he said, received his blessing and departed; and putting to sea on that day, we sailed and after other ten days came to Byzantium. And having taken a lodging, on the next day we went to the most holy archbishop John. And he, when he knew who we were, received us with much honour and tendance. And he inquired of us for what reason we had endured to travel, and we related it unto him. And when he knew it, he remembered that sometime before we had made this same prayer unto him by letters; and he knew me again and saluted me kindly. But he exhorteth us not to be discouraged but to have hope in the mercies of God. And he said to us: ' I indeed have not power to speak with the Emperor; for the Empress hath kindled his wrath against me, because I accused her concerning a possession which she desired and took away by force. To me indeed it maketh no matter, that he is wroth therefor, neither do I give heed unto it, for they hurt themselves, not me; for even if they hurt my body, they profit my soul much more. Howbeit, let us leave this thing to the tender mercy of God. But concerning your ordinance, if it shall seem good to the Lord, to­morrow I send for the T34 eunuch Amantius, who is the chief officer of the Empress, having much favour in her eyes, and verily a servant of God; and I impart the matter unto him, and he will be exceeding zealous, if Christ will.' And we, having received from him these commands and his blessing, departed unto our lodging.

NOTES:

after other ten days. i.e. about October 16, 401
a possession. The estate of the widow of Theognostus, which was seized by the empress. See Draeseke, Gesamm. Patr. Untersuchungen, pp. 227, 241 ff., where other references are given.
chief officer. Kastresion, castrensem. The full title is comes et castrensis sacri Palatai. The office was probably one of those instituted by Diocletian. As the name shows, the castrensis was in essence and origin a quartermaster; but he was responsible for a great part of the domestic administration and also for the upkeep of the buildings of the Palace.

38.

On the next day we went to the holy man, and find with him the chamberlain Amantius; for he had paid heed to our business and sent for him and instructed him concerning us. And when we entered, and Amantius knew that we are they concerning whom he spake to him, he rose up and worshipped the most holy bishops, bowing down his face to the ground; and they knowing who he was fell upon his neck and kissed him. And the most saintly archbishop John bade them also out of their own mouths to instruct the chamberlain concerning their business. So the most holy Porphyry related to him all things concerning the idolaters, how boldly they do unlawful things and how they trouble the Christians. And he hearing it wept, and being filled with godly zeal saith unto them: ' Be not discouraged, Fathers; for the Lord Christ shall be a shield unto his religion. Pray ye, therefore; and I speak to the Augusta, and have hope in the God of all things, that he will show us his mercy after T35 his wont. And on the next day I bring you in also to her, and do ye instruct her out of your own mouth as much as ye wish, and ye shall find her instructed of me beforehand.' And when he had said this he bade us farewell and returned again, and we, having had much spiritual conversation with the most holy archbishop John, and received his blessing, returned to our lodging.

NOTES:

On the next day. October 18, 401.

39.

On the next day the chamberlain Amantius sendeth two beadles to bring us to the Palace, and rising up speedily we went thither. And we found him waiting for us, and he took the two bishops and led them in to the Augusta Eudoxia. And when she beheld them, she saluted them first, saying ' Grant me your blessing, Fathers; ' and they worshipped her. And she sate upon a golden couch, and saith unto them: ' Pardon me, priests of Christ, by reason of the necessity of my belly that oppresseth me; for it behoved me to go to the antechamber to meet your holiness. But for the Lord's sake pray for me, that I may bring forth happily that which is in my belly.' But the most holy bishops, marvelling at her condescension, said: ' May he that blessed the womb of Sarah and of Rebecca and of Elizabeth, bless that which is in thy belly and cause it to live.'

NOTES:

On the next day. October 19, 401.
beadles. dekanon These were the lowest rank of court­officials, employed as janitors and messengers, a large corps, under three primicerii, and ultimately under the magister officiorum. They are first mentioned towards the end of the fourth century. Seeck in Pauly­Wissowa, Realencyclopädie, s.v.
happily, meta philanthropias. This is probably not equivalent to kata philanthropian theou, by the mercy of God,' but rather used in a more general sense of a ' happy ' or ' kindly ' delivery. The same phrase occurs in c. 42.

40.

And when they had had other spiritual conversation also, she saith unto them: ' I know for what reason ye have made this journey; for Amantius the chief officer hath instructed me beforehand. But if ye also wish to instruct me, say your bidding, Fathers.' So, being commanded, they explained all things concerning the idol­madmen, how they do T36 fearlessly impious deeds and how they oppress the Christians, suffering them not to hold any civic office, nor to till their own fields, ' from which they pay public taxes unto your government.' But when the Empress heard it, she said: ' Be not discouraged, Fathers; for I hope in the Lord Christ, the Son of God, that I may persuade the Emperor to do that which is fitting for your holy faith, and to send you away hence comforted. Depart, therefore, and refresh yourselves, for ye are aweary, and pray that God may favour my petition.' And when she had thus spoken, she commanded money to be brought, and taking three handfuls each she gave to the most holy bishops, saying: ' Take this for the meanwhile against your expenses.' And the bishops received it and, having called upon her many blessings, went forth. And as they came forth, the greater part of the coins they distributed to the beadles who stood at the doors, so that but little was left to them. But the Empress, when the Emperor came in to her, told him the business of the bishops, and asked him that the temples of Gaza might be destroyed.

41.

But the Emperor, when he heard it, was vexed, and said: ' I know that that city is idolatrous, but it is well­disposed in the matter of the paying of taxes, contributing much money. If therefore we come suddenly upon them, and affright them, they will flee and we shall lose so much tribute. But if it seem good, T37 we shall afflict them piecemeal, taking away the dignities from the idol­madmen, and the other civic offices, and will command their temples to be shut up and to give oracles no longer. For when they are afflicted and brought altogether into a strait place, they will acknowledge the truth. For a change that is over­sudden is a heavy thing for subjects to bear.' But the Empress when she heard it was sore grieved (for she was fervent in the faith), but answered not the Emperor save only this: ' The Lord is able to succour his servants the Christians, whether we wish it or whether we wish it not.' These things the God­fearing Amantius, the chamberlain, related unto us.

42.

On the next day the Augusta sent for us, and having first after her wont saluted the holy bishops bade them sit down. And after they had spoken much of spiritual matters, she saith unto them: ' I spake unto the Emperor and he was a little vexed. But be not discouraged; for, if God will, I will not cease until ye be satisfied and depart having accomplished your desire which is of God.' And the bishops, when they heard her words, worshipped her. And our Saint Porphyry, being sore moved, and remembering the words of the thrice blessed Procopius, the anchorite, said to the Empress: ' Do thou labour for Christ, and he shall grant thee for thy labour a son, who shall live and reign, for thee to see and enjoy many years.' And when the Empress heard his words she was filled with joy and blushed, and the beauty which T38 was in her countenance was increased; for the things which are apparent make manifest the things which are unseen.

NOTES:

On the next day. October 20, 401.
for thee to see. Since Eudoxia died in September 404, Porphyry's prophecy was not fulfilled in all particulars.
the beauty. Lit. ' there was added to her countenance beauty above that which she had.'

43.

Then saith she unto the most holy bishops: ' Pray ye, Fathers, that according to your words by God's will I may bring forth the male child, and if this come to pass, I promise you to do all that ye ask. And another thing which ye did not ask I purpose to do, with Christ's will; for I will found a holy church in Gaza in the midmost of the city. Depart ye, therefore, in peace and abide quietly, praying continually for me that my travail may be happy: for this is the ninth month and it is nigh to be fulfilled.' So the bishops having taken their leave and commended her to God went forth from the palace. And prayer was made that she should bring forth a male child; for we trusted in the words of the holy Procopius, the anchorite. And we went daily to the most holy John, the archbishop, and enjoyed his holy words, which were sweeter than honey and the honey­comb. [Cf Ps. 19:19 (18:11)] And Amantius the chamberlain came continually to us, sometimes bringing us answers from the Empress, and sometimes for the sake of our conversation.

NOTES:

this is the ninth month. The same had been said by Procopius about October 6 (c. 34). Therefore Theodosius must have been born late in October or early in November. Eudoxia had so far borne: (I) Flaccilla, 397; (2) Saint Pulcheria, 399; (3) Arcadia, 400. The last was born on April 3, 400; therefore if Theodosius was born in October or November, it must have been, not in 400 (as has been supposed), but in 401, which entirely agrees with the rest of the chronology of Mark's narrative. The whole question is ably worked out by Nuth, pp. 12 f.
the most holy John, the archbishop. Saint John Chrysostom is not mentioned again, probably because he went to Asia Minor to inquire into the charges against Antoninus, Bishop of Ephesus. This he must have done in the winter of 401­2, not early in 400 as generally supposed. See Nuth, pp. 14f

44.

Now after a few days the Empress bringeth forth the male child, and they call his name Theodosius, after the name of his grandfather Theodosius the Spaniard, who was Emperor with Gratian. But the young Theodosius when he was born was brought T39 forth in the purple, wherefore even from his birth he was proclaimed Emperor. And there was much rejoicing in the city, and messengers were sent forth to bear the good